Affordable Care Act Archives - Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News /tag/affordable-care-act/ Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News produces in-depth journalism on health issues and is a core operating program of KFF. Fri, 05 Jun 2026 12:56:00 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.5 /wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=32 Affordable Care Act Archives - Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News /tag/affordable-care-act/ 32 32 161476233 Millions of Kids Could Lose Insurance as GOP Healthcare Cuts Start To Bite /insurance/health-hub-kids-lose-insurance-coverage-gop-healthcare-cuts/ Fri, 05 Jun 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2244771&preview=true&preview_id=2244771
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have lost insurance since President Donald Trump took office in 2025. Another million could lose it amid the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and new Medicaid eligibility rules. On WAMU’s Health Hub on June 3, Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner explained how fear and confusion complicate access to health coverage.

A image of the healthcare.gov website on a laptop screen.
(Stefani Reynolds/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Last year’s big cuts to federal healthcare programs in the Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act created an affordability crunch for many Americans. They’ve ushered in higher health insurance premiums and confusion about who’s covered under new Medicaid rules.

Another result has been falling enrollment in Affordable Care Act plans and Medicaid. That’s leaving uninsured, according to an analysis by the Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy’s Center for Children and Families. Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner appeared June 3 on WAMU’s Health Hub to explain who’s vulnerable to losing coverage and what it all could mean for the prices Americans pay for health insurance next year.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/insurance/health-hub-kids-lose-insurance-coverage-gop-healthcare-cuts/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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Cheaper, Alternative Health Plans Are Having a Moment, but Critics Urge Caution /health-industry/alternative-health-plans-growth-sharing-ministries-short-term-aca-premiums/ Tue, 26 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2238258 When Melanie Miller saw that her health insurance premium payment was set to nearly triple to $914 a month this year, she stopped shopping on the Affordable Care Act marketplace.

The 59-year-old retired teacher, who recently moved from Ohio to Michigan, now pays $341 a month for a pair of plans, one that covers routine and urgent care and another that pays fixed amounts for hospital stays. Neither meets federal standards for comprehensive coverage.

Though she practices yoga and is healthy, Miller said she still feels “vulnerable.” If she lands in the hospital, her plan pays a flat $2,000, a fraction of the of an average hospital stay.

“I don’t gamble. But I may as well,” she said. “This is gambling.”

Congress’ decision late last year not to extend enhanced marketplace tax credits has boosted the appeal of alternatives to comprehensive insurance — plans like Miller’s, which have lower premiums but don’t meet ACA standards for coverage or consumer protections. Unlike plans sold on the exchanges, these options — some sold by major insurers, others by small companies or nonprofits — can deny claims with few or no legal rights for consumers to appeal. The plans are not required to cover “essential health benefits,” such as preventive care, and can impose annual or lifetime caps on benefits.

There is debate over whether these options help or harm patients. Consumer advocates dismiss them as “junk insurance,” while proponents say restricting alternatives to pricey marketplace plans risks driving up the number of uninsured. Some states, including Kansas and Florida, and the federal government itself have eased regulations on such plans or created incentives to join them, while other states, including California and Massachusetts, have tried to deter enrollment in alternative insurance. Those regulatory guardrails, however, are now being stress-tested as premiums blow out household budgets.

Alternative insurance takes many forms, including short-term policies, which were designed to bridge temporary gaps in coverage and often exclude preexisting conditions, and fixed-indemnity plans, which pay a flat rate per service regardless of how high costs go and are intended for supplemental use. Arrangements in which people pool their money to cover one another’s bills, including faith-based “healthcare sharing ministries,” also provide a cheaper alternative to the marketplace options. Because they are not considered insurance under federal or state law, they are not legally bound to pay for even .

Enrollment data for alternative plans is mostly confidential, but several indicators point to shifts in the market. Recent estimates suggest marketplace enrollment from 2025, and a of people on the exchanges last year found that 5% switched to private, nonmarketplace individual coverage, including plans that don’t comply with the ACA. Covered California, the state’s marketplace, plans to survey former enrollees to find out where they went.

Insurance industry insiders also report that, amid the expiration of subsidies, alternative plans are making a marketing push. Colorado insurance broker Samantha Albritton said that before ACA open enrollment, she saw more marketing from fixed-indemnity plans than in previous years. One healthcare sharing plan, Zion HealthShare, had more than 75,000 members in February — a 50% increase since last June, it said in a statement.

Critics of these alternative plans say the major issues occur when people use them as primary insurance and don’t realize the coverage is inadequate until they need it most. “Humans have bodies that can fail them,” said Amy Killelea, an assistant research professor at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

A Premium Spike Drove Her From the Marketplace. An Alternative Left Her Exposed.

Melanie Miller, 59
Harbor Springs, Michigan

To avoid a $553 monthly premium hike this year, retired teacher Melanie Miller replaced her Affordable Care Act coverage with two alternative plans, one that covers preventive services and another that pays fixed amounts for hospital care. She considers her limited hospital coverage a calculated risk given her good health but is now weighing whether to drop the preventive care policy, given her struggles to find in-network providers in her area. “I have not had a good experience with it,” she said.

Killelea and other health insurance experts say that the fine print on these plans can be difficult to parse and that enrollees don’t have the protections of traditional insurance to fall back on. A found that after reading a summary of a sample short-term policy’s benefits and a disclosure that the plan was not ACA-compliant, only half of participants understood that prescription drugs were not covered.

When Jade Ramsey was 24, she declined insurance from her employer due to the cost of the premiums. After experiencing fatigue and unexplained bruising, she sought low-cost coverage from Southern Guaranty Insurance Company through a policy similar to a fixed-indemnity plan.

Two weeks after enrolling, Ramsey, who lives in Arizona, was unable to walk. An emergency room visit led to a six-day hospital stay and a $143,823 bill in 2021. She was diagnosed with acute lymphoblastic leukemia. Her insurer denied coverage for this and other bills, labeling the cancer a preexisting condition and offering no other recourse after rejecting her appeal, she said.

Those bills landed in collections, and her credit score nose-dived. Ramsey said she once visited the ER with chest pain she attributed to the stress of the six-figure debt. She eventually qualified for Medicaid, and her credit score has since recovered even though she never paid off the debt. She said collection agencies still call, but she ignores them.

Southern Guaranty Insurance Company did not respond to requests for comment.

Proponents of alternative insurance argue that stifling these more affordable options will just increase the ranks of those without any coverage.

“People should be able to spend their own money financing healthcare the way that works best for them,” said Brian Blase, president of Paragon Health Institute, an influential conservative think tank. Paragon pushed for ending the enhanced marketplace tax credits, arguing they fueled improper enrollment by heightening incentives for unscrupulous brokers to sign people up without their knowledge.

Robert Godfrey of Clearwater, Florida, appreciates having choices. When Godfrey’s monthly premium payment was slated to jump from $879 to around $1,250 this year, the 64-year-old hair salon owner switched to a $320-a-month membership with Zion HealthShare. Rarely needing medical care, Godfrey viewed the shift to a cheaper plan as a pragmatic choice. “Thank God I’m healthy,” he said.

Healthy and Outraged by Rising Premiums, He’s Betting on Alternative Insurance

Robert Godfrey, 64
Clearwater, Florida

Robert Godfrey, a hair salon owner, says he doesn’t need healthcare beyond preventive services and has never hit his deductible. So last year, when the expiration of enhanced federal subsidies was going to push his marketplace premium payment up 40% — to around $1,250 a month — he walked away. He called it an “outrageous increase.” Just months away from becoming eligible for Medicare, Godfrey opted for a cheaper alternative: a $320-a-month healthcare sharing plan. These arrangements, in which members pool their funds to cover one another’s medical costs, aren’t legally obligated to pay for expenses.

The Trump administration has relaxed regulations on some alternative plans. Last year, federal agencies Biden-era rules on how long short-term plans could last and how they could be marketed, then a marginal advantage in the competition for a share of $50 billion in federal rural health funding if they followed suit.

In a statement, CMS spokesperson Christopher Krepich said the administration is focused on ensuring “access to affordable coverage options, strengthening competition, and reducing unnecessary regulatory burdens, while maintaining appropriate consumer protections.”

State oversight of alternative insurance is a patchwork. In much of the nation, these plans face few restrictions. Many states, including , , and , have eased limits on short-term plans in the wake of the Trump administration’s moves, allowing them to be renewed for up to three years in total.

In Kansas, lawmakers overrode the governor’s veto to in March providing a tax break for people who enroll in healthcare sharing ministries. In her veto, Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly warned that these ministries are unregulated, “which opens the door to all sorts of fraud and abuse.” Kansas House Speaker Daniel Hawkins countered in a news release that “House Republicans believe families should have more flexibility and more control over their healthcare decisions, not fewer options and higher costs.”

Oklahoma weighed a earlier this year, though it did not pass.

Not all states are friendly toward alternative plans. ban short-term policies or have rules restrictive enough to deter insurers from selling them. California and Massachusetts are among the states with the most stringent rules, banning short-term plans and requiring clear warnings to people considering a healthcare sharing ministry in certain circumstances. Both also tax adults who forgo comprehensive coverage, while subsidizing marketplace premiums to encourage enrollment.

Still, the higher premiums will test these guardrails, said Héctor Hernández-Delgado, a director at the National Health Law Program, which advocates for quality healthcare for low-income people. He worries that consumers lured by the plans’ low prices could “be worse off down the road,” saddled with burdensome medical debt.

Now in remission, Ramsey urges those considering cheaper insurance to do careful research. “Make sure it’s covering what you need to be covered,” she said. “It could be too good to be true.”

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? Click here to contact Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and share your story.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-industry/alternative-health-plans-growth-sharing-ministries-short-term-aca-premiums/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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Eroding ACA Enrollment Portends Higher Insurance Rates /insurance/eroding-aca-enrollment-higher-insurance-rates/ Tue, 19 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2238223 Enrollment in the Affordable Care Act continues to erode as some customers struggle to make premium payments, with the declining numbers churning market uncertainty for insurers. In response, insurers are likely to raise rates again next year, following this year’s larger-than-typical hikes.

Sign-ups were already down in January by about from last year’s . For this year, enrollees then faced premiums that increased, on average, . On top of that, subsidies that help people purchase coverage shrank or vanished.

Now experts are watching how many of the approximately 23 million people who enrolled will fail to pay their share of premiums.

While available data on premium payments is mainly from January, a few states that run their own ACA markets have released information for later months. The sharpest drop in people paying premiums, based on limited data, is , which saw a 28% drop in April compared with the same period a year ago, according to an analysis by Charles Gaba, a healthcare policy analyst and blogger who specializes in the ACA.

The news website NOTUS that it had internal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services data showing that roughly 21% of people using the federal ACA marketplace — — failed to pay their share of January premiums, which, if correct, is far higher than at the same time last year.

CMS did not answer questions from Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News about the enrollment data.

In looking at the early numbers analysts released, “we can’t yet quantify how much worse it will be than in previous years, but it will absolutely be worse because of the sticker shock,” said Ellen Montz, a managing director with the Manatt Health consultancy, who helped oversee the ACA during her tenure with the Biden administration.

The initial results come amid rising public concern about affordability, that are often .

A KFF analysis , for instance, found that the average ACA plan deductible saw the steepest increase in history — growing by 37%, or over $1,000, from $2,759 in 2025 to $3,786 in 2026 as enhanced premium tax credits expired.

Those rising costs pose a political challenge for President Donald Trump and the broader GOP, which has opposed enhanced subsidies to help people purchase Obamacare coverage. Republican lawmakers also passed a spending package last year — enacted as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act — that included provisions expected to reduce ACA enrollment and fueling higher premiums this year.

The enrollment reductions “are real people with real consequences,” Montz said. “The Affordable Care Act is a political lightning rod, but it’s a critical component of the coverage landscape.”

Following the Numbers

Right now, the drop-off rate aligns with what some policy experts predicted, partly because Congress did not extend generous benefits that expired at the end of last year. Those enhanced subsidies had been in place since 2021.

“Overall, the individual market does appear to be trending toward a significant contraction in 2026, and may well resemble” drops projected by the , said a , an analysis arm of the HMA Co.

Based on its analysis, drawn from data provided by 75 insurers, Wakely estimates that average ACA enrollment will end up being 17% to 26% lower this year than last.

So far, the Wakely report says, an average 86% of enrollees made their first payment in January.

Failure to pay premiums varied by state. Those with the lowest drop-off rates had enacted additional help — such as backfilling part or all of the reduced subsidy amounts with state money — or experienced lower premium increases. States that run their own exchanges had higher payment rates (92%) than those served by the federal marketplace (82% to 84%).

Gaba’s initial analysis of data includes more recent numbers from nine of the 20 states that run their own Obamacare marketplaces.

“Georgia could be fairly representative” of other states that did not enact additional protections, Gaba said. For example, payment failure rates, year over year, were 11.6% as of April in New Jersey, and, as of February, 15.7% in Washington state and 8.5% in California.

Only one state in his sample — New Mexico — saw an increase in the percentage of people making premium payments, according to the latest available monthly data. Unlike most, it to fully make up for the lower federal subsidy amounts.

Enrollment figures for the ACA are never static. Traditionally, more people sign up — either through auto reenrollment or by taking initiative to shop — than actually pay premiums, so the numbers tend to be higher at the start of the year.

People drop out over the course of a year for many reasons, such as finding other coverage through a job or by marrying someone with insurance.

Cost, of course, is a factor. This year, because premiums went up and subsidies went down, many people faced what they previously paid toward their coverage.

And the Trump administration ended a special enrollment program that let low-income people enroll year-round.

drops should not be seen solely in the context of rising costs. Paragon Health Institute, a free-market think tank that has become influential among conservatives on Capitol Hill, has long argued that record enrollment numbers in recent years were fueled by fraudulent sign-ups, perhaps in the millions.

, , and policy experts took issue with the methodology Paragon used to estimate improper enrollments, saying they likely were vastly overestimated.

In a , the organization’s president, Brian Blase, doubled down on the fraud findings. Using data that detailed how many people failed to make premium payments each year, on average, from 2014 to 2019 — the year before covid emerged and two years before enhanced subsidies kicked in — he offered this prediction for 2026: About 19 million people would be enrolled by year’s end. Even at that, the note says, the “market would be 90% higher than the pre-COVID average.”

For other experts, however, the biggest explanation for falling enrollment is cost.

Some people had never experienced the ACA before the enhanced tax credits kicked in, so they faced extra sticker shock.

“In economic theory, no matter whether one is left, right, or center, it’s a simple fact that when you raise prices of something, fewer people will buy it,” said Sabrina Corlette, co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University.

The Long View

The expectation of a lower enrollment trend holding up is one of the key factors likely to translate into higher cost estimates as insurers draw up 2027 rates.

For one thing, though it is still unclear how many people will stay enrolled, it is also unknown whether those enrollees will submit more medical claims than insurers projected. It’s generally thought that younger or healthier people are more likely to drop coverage when faced with growing premiums.

Secondly, there has been a sharp shift by consumers to purchase bronze-level plans, which have smaller monthly premiums but higher deductibles — the amount people must pay out-of-pocket for most treatment, except preventive care, before insurers pitch in. The found that sign-ups for bronze plans jumped from 30% to 40% of total plan selections — growing from 7.3 million in 2025 to 9.2 million people this year. Will they pay? Or will hospitals and doctors be on the hook for uncollected copays or deductibles, and then raise prices to compensate?

Insurers base their premiums, in part, on such analyses.

Another troubling factor for actuaries is the late posting of a key regulation that sets the next year’s rules for ACA health plans. The initial 2027 proposal from the Trump administration came out in mid-February and included aggressive new ideas — such as sharply increasing deductibles for certain types of ACA plans or allowing insurers to offer plans with no set networks of medical providers. It was , well into the time when insurers are calculating premiums for the following year. Many of the proposed changes, with some modifications, were approved, such as allowing for higher annual deductibles in some types of coverage.

“This is definitely a challenging year to be an actuary,” said Louise Norris, a health policy analyst for healthinsurance.org, a consumer information and referral website affiliated with Trove Group, an insurance agency.

“We know for sure that the individual market has gotten smaller and almost certainly sicker, as the people dropping coverage are more likely to be healthy.”

While they “aren’t waving huge red flags” yet, insurers are closely watching trends, said Michelle Anderson, a director at Wakely and co-author of the recent report.

Anderson does not expect an average 26% premium increase like the one seen this year.

Still, Anderson expects the ongoing uncertainty and predicted decline in enrollment, which will vary by state and insurer, to play a role in setting next year’s premium rates.

“It would not surprise me if there were some double-digit increases,” Anderson said.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News reporter Rachel Spears contributed to this article.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/insurance/eroding-aca-enrollment-higher-insurance-rates/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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Florida Delays Children’s Health Insurance Expansion as Uninsured Rate Rises /insurance/chip-expansion-florida-delay-children-health-coverage-uninsured-rates/ Mon, 27 Apr 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2228120 Like many parents, Tatiana Lafortune wants her children to get a good education, eat nutritious food, and see a doctor when they’re not feeling well.

Public schools and her church’s pantry help Lafortune accomplish the first two goals. But insurance to cover doctor visits has been the most difficult to secure.

As nursing assistants at a traumatic brain injury rehab center near Tampa, Florida, Lafortune and her husband cannot afford the health insurance benefits offered by their employer. And they earn too much for their daughters to qualify for subsidized coverage through , the state’s safety net health insurance program for children in low-income families.

Her family also can’t afford the $525 monthly cost to enroll her two daughters in KidCare at full price, so she purchased a family plan for $500 a month on the Affordable Care Act marketplace with no dental coverage and higher out-of-pocket costs.

“KidCare is better for children,” she said. “But at least I have something for them.”

In 2023, Florida lawmakers unanimously approved expanding KidCare to close the gaps for families like Lafortune’s, raising the eligibility threshold so that coverage would extend to more than 40,000 children. But the expanded coverage has not taken effect — even after it was approved by federal regulators following a federal lawsuit — because the administration of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican, has not implemented the changes.

Instead, Florida’s KidCare expansion has been mired in lawsuits and ongoing negotiations between the state and federal regulators. While the delay continues, Florida could be violating the law.

“I don’t know what they’re waiting for,” Lafortune said. “They should see people in Florida have needs.”

Asked to comment on the delay, DeSantis’ office referred Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News to a on March 31, during which the governor directed questions to the state’s Agency for Health Care Administration, which oversees KidCare. The state agency did not respond to Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ repeated requests for an interview or information on the delayed expansion.

Entitlement vs. Personal Responsibility

At issue is a , adopted under the Biden administration, that requires all states to continue to provide 12 months of coverage for children in Medicaid and in the Children’s Health Insurance Program, known as KidCare in Florida. That means insurance coverage would not lapse even if parents miss a monthly premium payment.

But only Florida has challenged the rule in court, suing the federal government for the right to disenroll children from KidCare for unpaid premiums and delaying the planned expansion.

“We’ve had to do a lot of back and forth with CMS on various things,” DeSantis said during the March press conference, referring to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which regulates public health insurance programs.

In December, Texas also said it opposed the rule. Cecile Erwin Young, who was then the executive commissioner of Texas Health and Human Services, wrote to Mehmet Oz, the CMS administrator, asking him to rescind CHIP rules that require states to keep children enrolled for 12 months at a time, prohibit waiting periods for coverage, and prevent states from imposing financial benefit limits.

“These policy changes effectively redefine CHIP to be more like an entitlement program — a strategy not supported by law and which conflicts with the core program design adopted by Texas,” Young wrote.

Like Texas, Florida views KidCare as a “personal responsibility program” designed to help families by “supporting independence and a ladder towards economic self sufficiency,” according to legal filings and .

“It’s something that goes back to this mentality of people needing to pull themselves up by their bootstraps,” said , policy director for the Florida Health Justice Project. The nonprofit legal aid group, together with the National Health Law Program, on March 9, asking a judge to order the state to implement the approved expansion.

The state agencies had not filed a response to that lawsuit as of April 22. The court ordered the state to explain by mid-May why the expansion should not be implemented.

Williams called the state’s tactic “largely political theater.”

Health policy researchers and advocates also noted that Florida’s refusal to implement the KidCare expansion goes against the Trump administration’s strategy to “.” Last year, a commission appointed by President Donald Trump recommended a series of policy changes, including a collaboration between CMS and state CHIP programs, to promote “evidence-based prevention and wellness initiatives for children at the local level.”

Numerous studies have found that CHIP coverage can improve children’s health by , , and .

“This should go without saying, but you can’t make children healthy again by taking away their health coverage,” said , chief strategy and development officer for Florida Policy Institute, a nonprofit that has advocated for the state to implement the KidCare expansion.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment on Florida’s and Texas’ opposition to the rule requiring continuous enrollment in CHIP.

Those two states have among the . In Texas, more than 1 million children, or 13.5%, have no health insurance, while in Florida more than 400,000 children, or 8.5%, are uninsured.

Texas has followed the federal rule on continuous coverage despite its opposition, but Florida has ignored the requirement and continues to disenroll children for unpaid premiums.

Choosing Between School Supplies and Health Insurance

According to the Florida Healthy Kids Corp., the nonprofit contracted by the state to determine eligibility for and administer KidCare, about 250,000 children received subsidized coverage from Dec. 1, 2024, to Nov. 30, 2025. Of those, 43,000 children were disenrolled after their parents failed to pay the premium.

, director of the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University, said the Trump administration should act on the evidence that Florida is the only state defying the rule.

“Thousands and thousands of children are routinely losing their coverage in violation of federal law,” she said, “and the Trump administration has done nothing about that. At the same time, they’re pulling money from states like Minnesota for alleged fraud violations that haven’t even been proven yet.”

Families tend to miss premium payments in July and August, when it’s time to buy back-to-school supplies, and again in December and January, around the holidays, Alker said.

“That is very, very sad,” Alker said. “You have working parents here who are struggling and they have to choose between their child’s school supplies and their health insurance.”

This year, enrollment in KidCare has fallen below the state’s projections, leading to a $32 million surplus in the program. On April 17, legislators from the program and redirect it to the general fund, with that the expansion had not yet been implemented.

Lawmakers voted to expand KidCare eligibility to families earning up to 300% of the federal poverty level. The change would raise the income threshold for a family of four from about $5,500 a month to about $8,250 a month. Monthly premiums for subsidized coverage would also rise, from the current $15 to $20 a month to a maximum of $195 a month, regardless of the number of children a family enrolls.

The program provides coverage than ACA marketplace plans. KidCare has no deductible or coinsurance, and maximum copayments of $15. It also includes dental and vision coverage.

With her ACA plan, Lafortune must pay a $35 copayment for doctor visits. Her family deductible is $1,600, and the coinsurance — or the share of covered services she must pay after meeting the deductible — is 20%. The plan’s maximum out-of-pocket cost is $7,250.

“I tried to get something cheaper, but it’s not like I cannot have it,” Lafortune said of the need for health insurance. “I have to do something.”

The state’s initial lawsuit challenging the continuous eligibility rule was dismissed in May 2024, and a second lawsuit was withdrawn this February. The state and CMS told the judge they were “working to determine the most expeditious way to resolve the dispute” and have yet to update the court on their discussions.

But three days after withdrawing the lawsuit, Florida sued CMS for a third time, accusing the federal agency of ignoring the state’s public records request related to CMS’ approval of the KidCare expansion.

As the legal wrangling continues, the cost of health insurance has skyrocketed.

For those with ACA marketplace coverage, the expiration of enhanced subsidies has hit hard. About half of those who re-enrolled in ACA marketplace coverage for 2026 said their healthcare costs are “a lot higher” this year, according to .

For Lafortune, Florida’s KidCare expansion can’t come soon enough.

“Children are the ones who are going to replace everyone here,” she said. “When you give them opportunities — for their health, for school, to eat — you make your country healthy and better.”

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? Click here to contact Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and share your story.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/insurance/chip-expansion-florida-delay-children-health-coverage-uninsured-rates/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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Watch: Acknowledging Health Care’s Great Divide /health-industry/health-care-policy-political-divide-david-blumenthal-interview/ Thu, 23 Apr 2026 19:00:58 +0000 /?p=2230749 In this “How Would You Fix It?” interview, Julie Rovner, Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ chief Washington correspondent and host of the What the Health? podcast, sat down with David Blumenthal — a physician, health policy expert, former Obama administration official, and author — to explore the dynamics that make fixing the nation’s health care system so difficult.

They discussed the pivotal role the president of the United States plays in health policy — whether it is building support for or opposition to new plans and proposals. “Presidents have a level of authority which is often underappreciated, especially in health care,” Blumenthal said.

Blumenthal and Rovner also discussed the historical reasons the U.S. has been unable to enact universal health care, incrementalism versus sweeping change, and what he described as “the dance” between proponents and opponents — usually a clear party-line split between Democrats and Republicans — of major health care reforms.

Today, the split seems to have come to a head, as public health, science, and expertise are being viewed by one end of the political spectrum as “the opposition,” Blumenthal said, which will complicate efforts. Still, he outlined ideas for moving forward.

An abbreviated version of this interview aired April 23 on Episode 443 of What the Health? From Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News: “RFK Jr. vs. Congress.”

Blumenthal’s latest book, Whiplash: From the Battle for Obamacare to the War on Science, co-written with James A. Morone, offers a behind-the-scenes look at how three presidential administrations pursued very different health policy goals.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-industry/health-care-policy-political-divide-david-blumenthal-interview/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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They’re in Remission, but Their Medical Bills Aren’t: Cancer Survivors Navigate Soaring Costs /health-care-costs/cancer-survival-costs-testing-treatment-premiums-deductibles-trump/ Wed, 22 Apr 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2229400 Nearly four years after doctors declared Marielle Santos McLeod free of colon cancer, she has yet to feel liberated from the burden of medical expenses.

McLeod, who lives near Charleston, South Carolina, is still paying off chemotherapy bills that followed her 2017 diagnosis. She also now faces an onslaught of out-of-pocket costs for follow-up monitoring and care, including regular visits to a pulmonologist and allergist.

McLeod, 45, said she had already spent $2,500 in the first two months of the year and owes an additional $1,300 from a January colonoscopy. That’s on top of the $895 monthly premium for a health insurance plan that covers her family of six.

Those costs have led McLeod to ration her other care. Despite feeling intense chest pain since February, for example, she is putting off a CT scan and a visit to a heart specialist.

“You’re forced to pick and choose as to where your priorities really need to be,” said McLeod, director of strategic programs and partnerships at the Cancer Hope Network, a nonprofit that supports cancer patients. Even in that role, she struggles to navigate the financial aftermath of surviving the disease.

The cost of postcancer care often “keeps us hostage,” she said.

McLeod is one of nearly 19 million U.S. cancer survivors, many of whom continue to need prescriptions, doctor visits, and procedures to monitor their condition and manage posttreatment side effects. Of more than 1,200 cancer patients and survivors , about 47% said they had carried medical debt, with nearly half having owed more than $5,000, according to the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network.

Marielle Santos McLeod poses, smiling, during chemo treatment. She holds up fingers on her left and right hands, totaling eight.
McLeod feels burdened by the cost of colon cancer treatment, even though she’s in remission. She’s still paying off chemotherapy bills that followed her 2017 diagnosis, on top of out-of-pocket costs for follow-up monitoring and care. (Gordon McLeod)

Yet health policy researchers and patient advocates said the experiences of cancer survivors reveal the limits of the Trump administration’s proposals to lower premiums, which may not help patients who accumulate large medical bills year after year. The proposals center on increasing the availability of high-deductible health plans, which have lower monthly payments but require patients to pay thousands of dollars out-of-pocket before coverage kicks in.

In addition, the administration has supported allowing insurers more leeway to sell plans that are not compliant with the Affordable Care Act. Such plans could bar people who have preexisting health conditions, like a cancer diagnosis, and exclude that ACA plans are required to cover.

The administration did not answer a request for comment on how its proposals would affect cancer survivors. But its supporters say, in general, people would have more flexibility to personalize coverage and more options for plans with lower monthly fees.

Michael Cannon, director of health policy studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, believes patients would have better control over spending, and the option to choose what kind of care gets covered, if health plans were exempted from the ACA’s regulations. A person could opt for a plan that includes cancer treatment but not maternity care, for example.

History proves insurance coverage is not that simple, especially for people with preexisting conditions, said Jennifer Hoque, an associate policy principal with the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network. When health plans could “pick and choose” enrollees based on preexisting conditions prior to the ACA, people needing the costliest care often struggled to find coverage, she said.

“They’re not going to choose a cancer survivor,” Hoque said of health insurers.

That was the case for Veronika Panagiotou, who said private insurers refused her coverage back in September 2013 because she had a high body mass index. Two months later, as a 25-year-old uninsured graduate student, she was diagnosed with non-Hodgkin lymphoma. The hospital treated her, she recalled, “and sent me all the bills.”

In January 2014, Panagiotou was able to buy one of the first ACA plans that went into effect. It covered chemotherapy and immunotherapy treatment, imaging, medications, hospital stays, weekly blood draws, a blood transfusion, and emergency room visits.

Now Panagiotou, 37, is cancer-free and works as director of advocacy and programs at Cancer Nation, a nonprofit advocacy group. Even though she is covered through her employer, Panagiotou said treatment-related expenses weigh heavily on her life decisions.

“Every choice I make, I think about cancer,” she said.

A woman stands inside at an office. She is smiling.
Veronika Panagiotou was 25 years old and uninsured in 2013 when she was diagnosed with non-Hodgkin lymphoma. The hospital treated her, she says, “and sent me all the bills.” Now she’s cancer-free and insured through work. But treatment-related expenses still weigh heavily on her life decisions, she says. (Kara Kenan)

Chris Bond, a spokesperson for AHIP, the main health insurance trade association, said its members are working to improve access to coverage. But that can be a challenge when doctors and drugmakers are hiking prices, he said. Health plans are trying to “shield Americans from the full impact of those rising costs,” Bond said.

The Lymphoma Research Foundation has seen a 10% increase in applications to its patient aid fund this year, CEO Meghan Gutierrez said. “This trajectory suggests that financial safety nets, when they exist, are straining,” she said.

Rising prices are affecting everyone, regardless of the kind of health insurance they have, if any, said Brian Blase, president of Paragon Health Institute, a Republican-aligned think tank. “The biggest challenge for cancer patients isn’t the type of coverage,” he said. “It’s the underlying cost of care.”

Blase pointed to President Donald Trump’s as potentially helpful to cancer survivors. The Medicare Drug Price Negotiation Program, established by the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, required the Department of Health and Human Services to negotiate prices for certain high-cost drugs, to lower prices for the federal health insurance program for people ages 65 and older. Drugs for breast, prostate, and kidney cancers are already on that list, .

Yet Hoque fears efforts to weaken ACA protections and financial support for marketplace plans will give cancer survivors — who she said tend to “hang on to insurance for dear life” — fewer options, especially between jobs or during career changes.

Erin Jones, a 31-year-old food policy researcher living in Fort Collins, Colorado, who was diagnosed with Hodgkin lymphoma as a young adult, is now cancer-free but still sees two oncologists, visits a high-risk breast clinic, and gets a breast MRI annually. Jones gets health insurance through the university where she works, and said she recently deferred acceptance to a PhD program partly due to uncertainty over affordable coverage.

“I don’t have the freedom to do the things I want to do as easily,” she said, “because I am constantly worried about health insurance.”

Costs related to surviving cancer, including monitoring for recurrence and treatment of side effects, were expected to reach $246 billion by 2030, up from $183 billion in 2015, according to .

Advancements in both detecting and curing cancer have resulted in a higher percentage of people surviving five years or more after diagnosis, according to the American Cancer Society. The number of survivors is expected to grow to more than 22 million people by 2035, .

Despite these advancements, the cost of treatment can steal the spotlight, said Ezekiel Emanuel, a co-director of the Healthcare Transformation Institute at the University of Pennsylvania and a onetime health policy adviser to former President Barack Obama.

An oncologist, Emanuel said he had observed patients make the difficult decision to delay or skip postcancer care as a result.

“Even when we triumph,” he said, “we don’t seem to be able to have a celebration.”

Breast Cancer Took Her Job, Her House, and All of Her Savings

Ann Ramsdell, 60 
Seattle

Even today,ÌýAnn Ramsdell is struggling with the financial aftermath of her 2009 breast cancer diagnosis. She not only accumulated medical debt, but she also lost income from being unable to work as a science researcher. Eventually she depleted her savings and lost her house. Today she pays about $450 in monthly insurance premiums and still pays thousands of dollars out-of-pocket per month for ongoing care connected to her cancer,Ìýwhich means she can’t always afford groceries. “Surviving cancer is hard enough without the added burden of trying to survive financially,” she said. 

A Decade After Her Cancer Diagnosis, She Worries About Paying For Care

Erin Jones, 31 
Fort Collins, Colorado 

Erin Jones, a food policy researcher living in Fort Collins, Colorado, who was diagnosed with Hodgkin lymphoma as a young adult, is now cancer-free but still sees two oncologists, visits a high-risk breast clinic, and gets a breast MRI annually. Jones gets health insurance through the university where she works, and said she recently deferred acceptance to a PhD program partly due to uncertainty over affordable health coverage. “I don’t have the freedom to do the things I want to do as easily, because I am constantly worried about health insurance,” she said.

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? Click here to contact Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and share your story.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-care-costs/cancer-survival-costs-testing-treatment-premiums-deductibles-trump/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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Tax Time Brings Surprises for Some Who Receive ACA Subsidies /insurance/tax-tips-aca-affordable-care-act-obamacare-subsidies-income-owing/ Fri, 03 Apr 2026 10:00:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=2174385 Tax time can come with big surprises for some people who have Affordable Care Act coverage, including owing money back to the government for premium subsidies received during the previous year.

More changes lie ahead that make it important for those getting subsidies in 2026 to track their income and take steps to protect against that kind of financial hit.

First, the basics of how the subsidies work.

Enrollees pay a percentage of their household income toward their health insurance premiums based on a sliding scale, ranging in 2025 from nothing for very low-income people to 8.5% at higher income levels. Subsidies, usually paid directly to insurers, cover the rest.

The income calculation done during open enrollment is an estimate of what a household thinks it will earn in the coming year. At tax time, ACA enrollees must reconcile what they received in subsidies with what they actually earned. If their income rose, they might owe some of the subsidies back.

But don’t skip filing! People who get ACA subsidies must file tax returns no matter their income, and that is becoming even more important: The Trump administration people from subsidy eligibility if they have gone two consecutive years without filing, and it is proposing lowering that to one year.

Beware Surprise Tax Bills

All enrollees who received subsidies for ACA coverage in 2025 — — need to include a special form, the , with their tax filings. That form is used to reconcile a person’s actual income with the amount of subsidies they received, information the IRS mails them on a separate, . Subsidy amounts are based in part on the income projections they made when they enrolled in their ACA plans.

And that can lead to surprises. Some may find they get money back if their income was less than they estimated. But, if their income went above their initial or updated estimates, they probably qualify for less in assistance and will have to pay money back.

Groups that help people file their taxes say it’s not always easy for people to accurately estimate their income for the year ahead, especially those who run their own businesses, work multiple jobs, or have work that comes with varying hours.

Clients will say, “I can make anywhere between $20,000 and $45,000 next year. I just don’t know,” said Katie Alexander, director of training and volunteers for the health and economic opportunity program at Pisgah Legal Services, a western North Carolina nonprofit that provides free tax and health insurance help to people with low incomes.

Still, for taxes being filed now for the 2025 tax year, on what many people must repay.

That cap is $375 for a single individual who earned less than $31,300 in 2025, or . The maximum owed under that sliding scale for people whose income is on the higher end of the range is $1,625 for an individual and $3,250 for a family.

There is no repayment cap for people earning more than four times the federal poverty level — totaling $62,600 in 2025 for an individual or $106,600 for a family of three — so they could owe back all amounts that exceeded their eligibility.

“The amount is just so staggering for folks,” Alexander said.

One woman whom Pisgah staff helped with pulling together her taxes for 2025 made just above $50,000, which was more than she initially estimated. Her repayment was capped at $1,625, Alexander said. Without that cap, she would have owed $4,000, a substantial chunk of her annual income.

Plan Ahead: The Rules Will Be Tougher Next Tax Season

Congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law by President Donald Trump last summer, . That means come next year’s tax season, there will be no sliding-scale limit to how much people could owe back in subsidies for 2026 if their income exceeds their projections.

“That’s just going to be absolutely devastating,” Alexander said.

There are at least two other things to keep in mind, both stemming from covid-era enhanced tax credits, which expired at the end of last year because Congress did not extend them. One is that the amount of household income people must pay toward their premiums this year before subsidies kick in has risen to just over 2% on the low end of the income scale and up to nearly 10% for higher-income earners.

The second is that households earning over four times the federal poverty level no longer qualify for ACA subsidies.

The biggest financial hit could be felt by enrollees whose income rises enough during the year to exceed four times the poverty level. In that case, they would owe back all the subsidies they receive in 2026.

And that could be a lot.

In 2025, for example, the average monthly premium for ACA coverage was $619, but the average enrollee received subsidies worth enough to offset all but $74 of that, according to the .

There’s another twist for some. Because the enhanced credits were not extended, people are paying, on average, double the amount toward their premiums this year, so they may be looking to add to their incomes to cover the cost. A found that 43% of people who remained enrolled in coverage this year are planning to work more hours or get additional work to cover those costs.

“That makes sense, but it can also present a risk of being eligible for less subsidy money than they thought, or even mean they would have to repay the entire tax credit,” said Cynthia Cox, senior vice president and director of the Program on the ACA at KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

People can update their projected income at the marketplace website as it changes during the year.

Pisgah staff are calling people they’ve worked with and saying, “Please, please, please, if your income changes, call us so we can adjust your income through the marketplace,” Alexander said.

As much as possible, keep track of income during the year. This isn’t easy, especially for workers who don’t have a job with regular paychecks.

“If you’re meeting with a CPA to talk about taxes, have a conversation to make sure you’re making enough money to afford your costs, but not too much to lose eligibility for a subsidy,” Cox said. “Contributing toward a retirement plan or a health savings account can lower part of your income that counts toward subsidy eligibility.”

Others might choose to dial back their work hours or forgo a new client contract.

“If taking that extra shift means putting you over the line of 400% of the federal poverty level and that’s going to cost you $10,000 in repayments, maybe don’t take that shift,” said Jason Levitis, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute who follows ACA and tax policy issues.

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? Click here to contact Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and share your story.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/insurance/tax-tips-aca-affordable-care-act-obamacare-subsidies-income-owing/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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GOP Mulls More Health Cuts /podcast/what-the-health-440-gop-health-cuts-iran-april-2-2026/ Thu, 02 Apr 2026 19:00:00 +0000 /?p=2177532&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2177532 The Host
Julie Rovner photo
Julie Rovner Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

Recent polling finds that health costs are a top worry for much of the American public, while Republicans in Congress are considering still more cuts to federal health spending on programs such as Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court ruled that Colorado cannot ban mental health professionals from using “conversion therapy” to treat LGBTQ+ minors, a decision that’s likely to affect other states with similar laws.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News, Jessie Hellmann of CQ Roll Call, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, and Sandhya Raman of Bloomberg Law.

Panelists

Jessie Hellmann photo
Jessie Hellmann CQ Roll Call
Alice Miranda Ollstein photo
Alice Miranda Ollstein Politico
Sandhya Raman photo
Sandhya Raman Bloomberg Law

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Republicans reportedly are weighing still more cuts to federal health spending. With the war in Iran draining military coffers, GOP leaders in Congress are eying a drop in health funding — a decision that could exacerbate problems following the passage of legislation expected to lead to major reductions in Medicaid spending, as well as the expiration of enhanced ACA premium subsidies that were not renewed by lawmakers last year. And President Donald Trump’s budget could include another sizable reduction in funding to the National Institutes of Health.
  • The Supreme Court this week struck down a Colorado law prohibiting licensed professionals from practicing a form of therapy that tries to change the sexual orientation or gender identity of LGBTQ+ minors. States have long had the power to regulate medical care, with the goal of restricting treatments that can be harmful. Also, the Idaho Legislature passed a bill requiring teachers and doctors to out transgender minors to their parents.
  • Meanwhile, the Department of Health and Human Services is studying whether to make private Medicare Advantage plans the default option for seniors enrolling in Medicare, a change that would seem to conflict with the Trump administration’s scrutiny of overpayments to the private insurance plans. And a tech nonprofit’s lawsuit seeks to reveal more about the administration’s pilot program testing the use of artificial intelligence in prior authorization in Medicare.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ Elisabeth Rosenthal, who wrote the last two Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News “Bill of the Month” stories. If you have a medical bill that’s outrageous, infuriating, or just inscrutable, you can submit it to us here.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too: 

Julie Rovner: New York Magazine’s “,” by Helaine Olen.  

Jessie Hellmann: The Texas Tribune’s “,” by Colleen DeGuzman, Stephen Simpson, Terri Langford, and Dan Keemahill. 

Sandhya Raman: Science’s “,” by Jocelyn Kaiser.  

Alice Miranda Ollstein: The New York Times’ “,” by Ed Augustin and Jack Nicas.  

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

Click to open the transcript Transcript: GOP Mulls More Health Cuts

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.] 

Julie Rovner: Hello, from Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and WAMU Public Radio in Washington, D.C. Welcome to What the Health? I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News, and I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters covering Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, April 2, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So here we go. 

Today, we are joined via video conference by Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico. 

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Hello. 

Rovner: Jessie Hellmann of CQ Roll Call. 

Jessie Hellmann: Thanks for having me. 

Rovner: And Sandhya Raman, now at Bloomberg Law. 

Sandhya Raman: Hello, everyone. 

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview with Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ Elisabeth Rosenthal, who reported and wrote the last two Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News “Bills of the Month.” One is about a patient who got caught in the crossfire over prices between insurers and drug companies. The other is about a woman who, and this is not an April Fools’ joke, got her insurance canceled for failing to pay a bill for 1 cent. But first, this week’s news. 

So Congress is on spring break, but when they come back, health policy will be waiting. A new Gallup poll out this week found 61% of those surveyed said they worry about the availability and affordability of health care, quote, “a great deal.” That was 10 percentage points more than the economy, inflation, and the federal budget deficit, and it topped a list of 15 domestic concerns. And while we are still waiting for final enrollment numbers for Affordable Care Act plans, we do know that the share of people paying more than $500 a month for their coverage doubled from last year to 2026. Yet Axios this week is reporting that Republicans are considering still more cuts to the Affordable Care Act to potentially pay for a $200 billion war supplemental. What exactly are they thinking? And it’s looking more like Republicans are going to try for another budget reconciliation bill this spring. Isn’t that, right, Jessie? 

Hellmann: House Budget chair Jodey Arrington has kind of been pushing this idea really hard of going after what he says is fraud in mandatory programs like Medicare and Medicaid. He’s also talked about funding cost-sharing reductions, which is an idea that slipped out of the last reconciliation bill, and it’s a wonky kind of idea â€¦ 

Rovner: But I think the best way to explain it is that it will raise premiums for many people. That’s how I’ve just been doing it.  

Hellmann: Yeah, exactly. 

Rovner: Let’s not get into the details. 

Hellmann: It would reduce spending for the federal government but wouldn’t really help people who buy insurance on the marketplace. He hasn’t been very specific. He’s also talked about, like, site-neutral policies in Medicare, but it’s hard to see how all of this could make a serious dent in a $200 billion Iran supplemental. There’s also a new development. I think President [Donald] Trump threw a wrench in things yesterday when he said he wanted the reconciliation bill to focus on border spending and immigration spending to cover a three-year period, and now Senate Majority Leader John Thune is saying that there’s probably not room for much else in the bill. So, unclear what the path forward is for all of that. 

Rovner: Yeah, and of course, that was part of the deal to free up the Department of Homeland Security’s budget in the appropriation. It’s all one sort of big, tied-up mess at this point. Alice, I see you’re nodding. 

Ollstein: Yeah. I mean, what often happens with these reconciliation bills is it starts out with a tight focus and everyone’s unified, and then, because it can often be the only legislative train leaving the station, everybody gets desperate to get their pet issue on board, and then the more and more things get piled onto it, then they start losing votes, and people start disagreeing more. And so I think even though this is still in the ideas phase, you’re already seeing some signs of that happening. And when it comes to health care, it can be particularly fraught. And of course, you have lawmakers, especially in the House, with wildly different needs. Some of them need to fend off a primary from the right, and so they want to be as conservative as possible. Some are fighting to hang on in swing districts, and so they want to be more moderate. And these things are in conflict. And so these proposals to cut health spending, even more than the massive amount that was cut last year, are already, you know, raising some red flags among some moderate Republican members. And it’s very possible the whole thing falls apart. 

Rovner: Well, along those lines, we’re supposed to get the president’s budget on Friday, which is only two months late. It was due in February. And while I haven’t seen much on it, Jessie, your colleagues at Roll Call are reporting that the budget will seek a 20% cut to the National Institutes of Health. That’s only half the cut that the administration proposed last year. But given that Congress actually boosted the agency’s budget slightly this year, that feels kind of unlikely. 

Hellmann: Yeah, I don’t think that the appropriators are likely to go along with this. They have really strong advocates, and Sen. Susan Collins, who’s chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee. And, like you said, they rejected cuts last year. Kind of surprised. Twenty percent is not as deep as the Trump administration went last year. I was actually kind of surprised it wasn’t a bigger proposed cut. But either way, I don’t think Congress is going to go along with that.  

Rovner: Meanwhile, I saw a late headline that FDA is looking to hire back people after DOGE [Department of Government Efficiency] cut thousands of people last year. Sandhya, HHS [Department of Health and Human Services] is just in this sort of personnel churn at this point, isn’t it? 

Raman: Yeah, I think that HHS is kind of getting bit in the foot from, you know, we’ve had so many of these layoffs, and we’ve also had a lot of people just flee the various agencies over the past year because of some of this instability and all of these changes. And as we’re getting closer and closer to, you know, deadlines of things that they need to get done, they’re realizing that they do need more personnel to get some of those things done, as we’ve been passing deadlines. So I don’t think it’s something that’s unique to just FDA. But I think the way to solve this â€” it’s not an overnight thing for the federal government to staff up. It’s a longer process, but it’s really showing in a lot of areas right now. 

Rovner: Yeah, I would say this is not like TSA [Transportation Security Administration], where you can, you know, hire new people and train them up in a couple of months. These are â€¦ many of them scientists who’ve got years and years of training and experience at doing some of these jobs that, you know, the federal government is ordered to do by legislation. 

Raman: Yeah, those statutes are things that, you know, if they don’t meet those deadlines, those are things that are going to be challenged, and just further tie things up in litigation. And we already see so many of those right now that are making things more complicated.  

Rovner: Well, in news that is not from Congress or the administration, the Supreme Court this week said Colorado could not ban licensed mental health professionals from using so-called conversion therapy aimed at LGBTQ individuals, at least not on minors. What’s the practical impact here? It goes well beyond Colorado, I would think. 

Ollstein: Interesting, because a lot of people think of this as regulating health care, restricting providers from providing health care that is not helpful and maybe actively harmful to the health of the patients. 

Rovner: And that’s â€¦ I would say that’s been a state â€¦ 

Ollstein: Power. 

Rovner: â€¦ power. For generations.  

Ollstein: Absolutely. Right, I mean, you don’t want people selling sketchy snake oil pills on the street, etc. So many people view this as akin to that. But it has morphed in the hands of conservative courts into a free speech issue, and that, you know, these laws are restricting the speech of mental health workers who are against people transitioning. And so, yes, it definitely has national implications. And of course, we are in a national wave right now of both state and federal entities, you know, moving in the direction of rolling back trans rights in the health care space and beyond. 

Rovner: Yeah. In related news, regarding Colorado and minors and gender,  that Children’s Hospital Colorado has not yet resumed providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth. That’s despite a federal judge in Oregon having struck down an HHS declaration that would have punished hospitals for providing such services. Apparently, the hospital in Colorado is concerned that the judge’s ruling doesn’t provide it with enough legal cover for them to resume that care. I’m wondering, is this the administration’s strategy here to get organizations to do what they want, even if they might lack the legal authority to do it? Just by making them worry that they might come after them? 

Raman: I think the chilling effect is definitely a big part of this broader issue. I mean, we’ve seen it in other issues in the past, but just that if there is this worry that it’s a) going to stop on the provider side, new folks taking part in providing care, and also just it’s going to make patients, even if there are opportunities, even less likely to want to go because of the fears there. I mean, it goes broader than that. We’ve had FTC [Federal Trade Commission] complaints, where they have gone and investigated different places that provide gender-affirming care or endorse it. So I think it’s broader than this, and really part of that chilling effect.  

Rovner: And Alice, as you were saying, I mean, the subject of transgender rights, or lack thereof, remains a political hot topic. The Idaho Legislature this week passed a bill that now goes to the governor that would require teachers and doctors to out transgender minors to their parents. Parents could sue teachers, doctors, and child care providers who, quote, “facilitate the social transformation of the minor student.” That includes using pronouns or titles that don’t align with their sex at birth. I don’t know about teachers, but that definitely seems to violate patient privacy when it comes to doctors, right? 

Ollstein: There’s definitely patient privacy issues there. I also think, you know, it’s interesting that this kind of nonmedical transitioning is now coming under attack. Because, you know, you would think that there would be some support for letting a kid, you know, go by a different name for a few weeks, test it out, see how it feels. Maybe it’s a phase, then they discover that they don’t want to actually pursue taking medications and going through a medical transition. But this is sort of shutting down that avenue as well. You can’t even change your appearance, change how you present in the world, at a time when kids are really trying to figure out who they are. So I think the broad acceptance of hostility to medical transitioning for youth is now spilling over into this kind of social transitioning, and I wonder if we’re going to see more of that in the future. 

Rovner: Yeah, I feel like we started with minors shouldn’t have surgeryThey shouldn’t do anything that’s not easily reversible. And now we’ve gotten down to, in the Idaho law, there’s actually mention of nicknames. You can’t â€¦ a kid can’t change his or her nickname. It feels like we’ve sort of reduced this way, way, way down. 

Ollstein: And I think we’ve seen these laws, laws related to bathrooms. We’ve seen these have negative impacts on people who are not trans at all, people who just are a tomboy or not looking like people’s stereotypes of what different genders may look like. And so there’s a lot of policing of people who are not trans in any way. You know, there’s media reports of people being confronted by law enforcement for going into a bathroom that does align with their biological sex. And so it’s important to keep in mind that these laws have an effect that’s much broader than just the very small percentage of people who do consider themselves trans. 

Rovner: Yeah, it’s kind of the opposite of not being woke. All right, we’re going to take a quick break. We will be right back.  

So while we’ve had lots of news out of the Department of Health and Human Services the past few weeks, it’s been mostly public health-related. But there’s a lot going on in the Medicare and Medicaid programs too. Item A: Stat News is reporting that HHS is studying whether to make the private Medicare Advantage program the default for seniors when they qualify for Medicare. Right now, you get the traditional fee-for-service plan that allows you to go to any doctor or hospital that accepts Medicare, which is most of them. You have to affirmatively opt into Medicare Advantage, which often provides extra benefits but also much narrower networks. What would it mean to make Medicare Advantage the default, that people would go into private plans instead of the government plan, unless they affirmatively opted for the traditional fee-for-service? 

Hellmann: Someone’s experience with â€¦ can vary greatly between being on traditional Medicare and Medicare Advantage. If you’re in Medicare Advantage, you could be exposed to narrow networks. You can only see certain doctors that are covered by your plan. You can be exposed to higher cost sharing. A lot of people are kind of fine with their plans until they have a medical issue and need to go to the hospital or they need skilled nursing care. So making this the default could definitely be a challenge for some people, especially people that have complex health needs. Some people on the early side of their Medicare eligibility are fine with Medicare Advantage, and then they get older and they’re not fine with it anymore. So it’s interesting that the administration would kind of float this idea because they’ve been critical of Medicare Advantage. 

Rovner: Thank you. That’s exactly what I was thinking. 

Hellmann: Yeah, they’ve talked about the federal government pays these plans too much, and it’s not for better quality in a lot of cases, and they’ve talked about reforms in that area. So I was a little surprised to see that. 

Rovner: Yeah, Republicans have been super ambivalent. I mean, Medicare Advantage was their creation. They overpaid them at the beginning when they, you know, sort of redid the program in 2003. And they purposely overpaid them to get people into Medicare Advantage. And then the Democrats pointed out that this is wasting money because we’re overpaying them. And now the Republicans seem to have joined a lot of their â€” at least some Republicans â€” seem to have joined a lot of the Democrats in saying, Yes, we’re overpaying them. We’re paying them too much. And you know, they talk about the big, powerful insurance companies, and yet they’re now floating this idea to make Medicare Advantage the default. So pick a side, guys. 

All right, well, in other Medicare news, the Electronic Frontier Foundation is suing Medicare officials to learn more about the pilot program that’s using artificial intelligence to oversee prior authorization requests in the traditional Medicare fee-for-service program. The idea here is to cut down on, quote, “low-value services,” things that doctors might be prescribing that aren’t either particularly necessary or shown to actually work. But the fear, of course, is that needed care for patients will be delayed or denied, which is what we’ve seen with prior authorization in Medicare Advantage. This is the perennial push-pull of our health care system, right? If you do everything that doctors say, it’s going to be too expensive, and if you second-guess them, it’s going to be, you know, it might turn out to be too constraining. 

Hellmann: Well, I was just going to say this is another issue that was kind of a little surprising to me, because there’s been so much criticism of the use of prior authorization and Medicare Advantage. And CMS [Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services] looked at that and said, Oh, what if we did it in traditional Medicare? Like it was never going to go over well politically, and I think there are even some Republican members of Congress who are not in support of this, but they haven’t really made a huge stink about it. Yeah, this wasn’t something I really expected to see. 

Rovner: Yeah, we’ll see how this one plays out too. Well, meanwhile, regarding Medicaid, two really good stories this week from my Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News colleagues Phil Galewitz, Rachana Pradhan, and Samantha Liss. Phil’s story found that efforts in multiple states to find enrollees who were not eligible for the program due to their immigration status turned up very few violators. While Samantha and Rachana detailed the hundreds of millions of dollars states and the federal government are spending to set up computer programs to track Medicaid’s new work requirement, despite the fact that we already know that most people on Medicaid either already work or they are exempt from the requirements under the new law. Is it just me, or are we spending lots of time and effort on both of these policies that are going to have not a very big return?  

Ollstein: Well, that’s what we’ve seen in the few states that have gone ahead and attempted this before, that it costs a lot, and you insure fewer people. And that’s not because those people got great jobs with great health care. You insure fewer people, and the level of employment does not meaningfully change. 

Rovner: I would say you insure fewer people who may well still be eligible. They just get caught in the bureaucratic red tape of all of this. 

Ollstein: Exactly. These tech systems that are being set up are challenging to navigate, if people even have a means to do it, if they even have a smartphone or a computer or access to Wi-Fi. There are not that many physical offices they can go to to work it out if they need to. And some of those are very far from where they live. And so you see some of these tech vendors, you know, are set to make off very well out of this system, and people who need the care not so much. And then, of course, you know, it’s not just the patients who will feel the impact. You have these hospitals around the country that are on the brink of closure. And if they have people who used to be insured â€” they used to be able to bill and get reimbursed for their services, suddenly they’re uninsured â€” and they’re coming in for emergency care that they can’t pay for, that the hospital has to throw out-of-pocket for, that puts the strain that some of these facilities can barely cope with. And so you’re seeing a lot of state hospital associations sounding the alarm as well. 

Raman: I would also say the timing is interesting. You know, we spent so much time and energy last year going through the reconciliation process to tighten these areas, to get in the work requirements, to reduce immigrant eligibility for Medicaid. And then, you know, as they’re gearing up to possibly do this again, to defer their crackdown on health care as part of that, instead of it saving money â€” that it’s not having as much of an effect and costing so much, in the case of the work requirements, where we’re not expected to see the return of it. 

Rovner: Yeah, that may be, although I guess the return is that people will not have insurance anymore, and so the federal government, the states, won’t be spending money for their medical care. They’ll be spending money on other things. All right, of course, there’s more news from HHS than just Medicare and Medicaid this week. We also have a lot of news about the Make America Healthy Again movement, which is a sentence that 2023 me would definitely not recognize.  about a new poll that finds the MAHA vote isn’t necessarily locked in with Republicans. Tell us about it. 

Ollstein: Yeah, that’s right. So Politico did our own polling on this, because we hadn’t really seen good data out there on who identifies as MAHA and what do they even believe about the different parties and about different issues. And so we found that, OK, yes, most people associate MAHA with the Republican Party â€” most, but not all. But a lot of voters who identify as MAHA, and a lot of voters who voted for Trump in 2024 don’t think that the Trump administration has done a good job making America healthy again. And they rank the Democratic Party above the Republican Party on a lot of their top priority issues, like standing up to influence from the food industry and the pharmaceutical industry. They rank Democrats as caring more about health. So, you know, we found this very fascinating, and it supports what we’ve been hearing anecdotally, where Democratic candidates, a handful of them, and Democratic electoral groups, are really seeing a lot of opportunity to go after MAHA voters and win them over for this November. And you know, we should remember that even if you don’t see a big swing of people voting for Democrats, even if MAHA voters are disillusioned and stay home, that alone could decide races. You know, midterms are decided by very narrow margins. 

Rovner: Well, two other really interesting MAHA takes this week. . It’s about the tension in and among medical groups, about how to deal with HHS Secretary [Robert F.] Kennedy [Jr.] and the MAHA movement. The American Medical Association seems to be trying to play nice, at least on things it agrees with the secretary about, lest it risk things like its giant contract to supply the CPT billing codes to Medicare. On the other hand, the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American College of Physicians have been more confrontational to the point of going to court. The other story, from  pushing MAHA. One thing I noticed is that all of the teens in the story seem to suffer from physical problems that are not well understood by the mainstream medical community, and so they turned online to seek advice instead, which is understandable in each individual case. But then they turn around and try to influence others. And you can see how easily misinformation can spread. It makes me not so much wonder â€” it makes me see how, oh, this is how this stuff sort of gets out there, because you see so much â€¦ and Alice, this goes back to what you were saying about MAHA is not a movement that’s allied with one particular political party. It’s more of sort of a mindset that doesn’t trust expertise. 

Ollstein: I think it spans people who identify as Democrats, identify as Republicans. And, you know, we’re not really interested in politics until the rise of Robert F Kennedy Jr., and so I think it does show a lot of malleability. And there is a fight for this, for this cohort right now, on the airwaves, on the internet, etc.  

Rovner: And, as The New York Times pointed out, you know, we’ve thought of this as being sort of a young men cohort. It’s now also a young woman cohort, too. So there’s lots of people out there to go and get, for these people who are pursuing votes.  

Well, turning to reproductive health, we have a couple of follow-ups to things we covered earlier. The big one is Title X, the federal family planning program, whose grants were set to end as of April 1. Sandhya, it looks like the federal government is going to fund the program after all? 

Raman: Yeah, the family planning grantees in this space have been on edge for so long, you know, waiting to see would they finally just issue the grant applications. And then it was such a short timeline for them to get them done. And then everyone that I talked to in the lead-up was expecting some sort of delay, just because it was such a short timeframe before they were set to run out of money. And so I think that they were all pleasantly surprised that HHS was able to turn things around when they confirmed that the money is going to go out the day before the deadline. It does take a couple of days to go through the process and get that done. But I think the new worry now is also that in the statements that the White House and HHS have made is just that they are still at work on getting Title X rulemaking out so that a lot of these groups would be ineligible if they also provide abortions. Or we also don’t know what will be in the rule â€” if it will be broader than what was under the last Trump administration, if it encompasses other restrictions. So a little bit of both there.  

Rovner: Yeah. And I also was gonna say, I mean, we know that anti-abortion groups are unhappy with the administration, so this would be one place where they could presumably throw them a bone, yes? 

Ollstein: So people on both sides have been a little mystified why we haven’t seen a new Title X rule yet. They were expecting that near the beginning of last year, especially if the administration was just planning to reimpose his 2019 version, that would be pretty straightforward and simple. And yet, here we are, more than a year into the administration, and we haven’t really seen this yet. The administration did confirm to me â€” we put this in our newsletter â€” that a new rule is coming. And they said it will align with pro-life values. And the White House’s comments to some conservative media outlets were very explicit that this will be the last time Planned Parenthood can get funding. Now I wonder if that statement will come back to bite them in court, because the rule previously was very careful not to name Planned Parenthood or name any specific organization. It just imposed criteria that applied to a lot of Planned Parenthood facilities, and in order to make them ineligible for Title X funding. And so I wonder if that will help Planned Parenthood sue later on. But we’ll put a pin in that and come back to it. But we have confirmed that some sort of new rule is coming, but we don’t know when, and we don’t know what it would entail. There’s a lot of speculation that this could go way beyond an attempt to kick Planned Parenthood out. There’s speculation it could involve restrictions on particular forms of birth control. There’s speculation that it could entail restrictions on gender-affirming care. There’s speculation that it could involve rules around parental consent, stricter parental consent requirements, which are currently something that’s not part of Title X. And so we just don’t know, you know, in order to mollify the anti-abortion groups that are upset, they are saying, Don’t worry, new rule is coming. But again, we don’t know when, and we don’t know what’s going to be in it. 

Rovner: Well, we’ll be here when it happens. Another topic we’ve talked about at some length is crisis pregnancy centers, which are anti-abortion organizations that sometimes offer some medical services.  who was told after an ultrasound at a crisis pregnancy center that she had a normal pregnancy, and three days later, ended up in emergency surgery because the pregnancy was not normal, but rather ectopic â€” in other words, implanted in her fallopian tube rather than her uterus, which could have been fatal if not caught. This is not the first such case, but it again raises this question of whether these centers should be treated as medical facilities, which we’ve talked about many states do.  

Raman: And I think a lot of the rationale that people have for trying to do some of these mandatory ultrasounds, you know, encouraging people to go to this is because the talking point is that you don’t know if you have an ectopic pregnancy, you don’t have another complication, so you should go here to instead of just taking a medication abortion. So â€¦ we’re coming full circle here, where this is also not helping the case, if you’re not finding the full information there. So I think that was an interesting point to me â€¦  

Rovner: Yeah, it’s going on both sides basically. It is fraught, and we will continue to cover it. 

All right, that is this week’s news. Now we’ll play my interview with Elisabeth Rosenthal at Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News, and then we will come back and do our extra credits. 

I am pleased to welcome back to the podcast Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ Elisabeth Rosenthal, who reported and wrote the last two “Bills of the Month.” Libby, thanks for coming back. 

Elisabeth Rosenthal: Thanks for having me.  

Rovner: So let’s start with our drug copay card patient. Before we get into the particulars, what’s a drug copay card? 

Rosenthal: Well, copay cards, or copayment programs, are things that the drug companies give patients. You know, when it says you could pay as little as $0, where they pay your copayment, which is usually pretty big â€” when you see a copay card, it means the price is big, and they’ll bill your insurance for the rest. So for patients, it sounds like a good deal, and it is a good deal when they work. 

Rovner: So tell us about this patient, and what drug did he need that cost so much that he required a copay card? 

Rosenthal: Well, the funny thing is â€” his name is Jayant Mishra, and he has a psoriatic arthritis. And the doctor told him, you know, there’s this drug called Otezla that would really help you. And he was, he was a little cautious, because he knew it could be expensive, so he did wait a few months, and his symptoms, his joint pain, in particular, got worse. He was like, OK, I’ll start it. So he started it the first month, and it worked really well.  

Rovner: “It” the drug, or “it” the copay card, or both? 

Rosenthal: Both seemed to work very well. So the copay card covered his copay of over $5,000 and he was like, Oh, this is great. And then what happened was, the next month, he tried to fill it, and it was like, Wait, the copay card didn’t work! And really what happens is copay cards, they are often limited in time and in the amount of money that’s on them. So depending on how much the copay is, they can run out, basically expire. You used all the money, and you have a drug that you’ve used that is working really well for you, and then suddenly you’re hit with a big bill. So they kind of get people addicted to drugs, which they then can’t afford.  

Rovner: And what happened in this case was the insurance company charged more than expected, right? 

Rosenthal: Well, Otezla, you know, there’s so many things about this, and many “Bill of the Month” stories that, you know, are eye-rollers. Otezla â€” there are biosimilars that were approved by the FDA in â€¦ 2021? â€¦ which everyone’s talking about, faster approval of biosimilars. Well, this was approved, but the drugmaker filed multiple suits and patent infringement, and so in the U.S., it won’t be on the market, the biosimilar, until 2028, so that’s a problem too. 

Rovner: So if you want this drug, it’s going to be expensive. 

Rosenthal: It’s going to be expensive. And the other problem is copay cards. Insurers used to say, OK, that will count towards your deductible, right? So you didn’t really feel it, right? Because you got a $5,000 copay card, and you had a $5,000 deductible if you had a high-deductible plan. And everything was good. Now, insurers kind of said, Whoa, we’re not sure we like these things. So yeah, you can use them, but it won’t count towards your deductibles. So they’re not nearly as useful as they might have been in the past. But patients are really stuck, because these are really expensive drugs that most people couldn’t afford without copay cards. 

Rovner: So what eventually happened to this patient, and how can other people avoid falling into the copay card trap? 

Rosenthal: So basically, because he had used up the amount on the copay card, which was $9,400 for the year, by the second month, he tried for the third month to kind of ration his drugs to take half as much, and his symptoms came back. And then the lucky thing for him was then it was January, right, copay cards are usually done for the year. So he got a new copay card for another $9,400 and he was good for January, and he paid with his health savings account for the first month’s copay, with the copay card the second month, with the copay card and his health savings account. And when this went to press, he wasn’t sure how he was going to pay for the rest of the year. And for him, it’s not a huge problem, because he has a very well-funded health savings account, which few of us do, but he was really up in the air for the rest of the year when we wrote about this. 

Rovner: So sort of moral of this story, be careful if you want to take an expensive drug, and the theory that when the drugmaker promises, Oh, you can have this for as little as $0 copay

Rosenthal: Well, I think it’s you have to understand what a particular card does. You have to understand what’s the limit on how much is on the copay card. You have to understand how many months it’s good for. You have to understand, from your insurer’s point of view, if that will count as your deductible or not. And then, man, you know, you’re kind of on your own, right? Sometimes your copay card will work great for you, and at other times it will work for a shorter amount of time. And you got to figure out what to do. I think the third, bigger lesson is getting biosimilars, which are these very expensive drugs approved, is not really the big problem in our country. The problem is the patent thickets that surround so many of these drugs that prevent them from getting to the patients who need them.  

Rovner: In other words, you can make a copy of this drug, but you might not be able to get it onto the market.  

Rosenthal: Right. You can make a copy this drug â€” it [a generic] was approved in 2021 â€” but that won’t help patients until 2028, which is really terrible. You know, it’s available in other countries, but not here. 

Rovner: So moving on, our March patient had insurance through the Affordable Care Act exchange and was benefiting from one of those zero-premium plans until she got caught in a literally Kafkaesque mess over a 1-cent bill that turned into a 5-cent bill. Who is she and what happened here? 

Rosenthal: Yeah, her name in this wonderful, terrible story is Lorena Alvarado Hill. And what happened here is she was on one of these $0 insurance plans through the Obamacare exchanges with that great subsidy, the Biden-era subsidy, and she and her mother were on the same plan, and her mother went on to Medicare, turned 65. So Lorena didn’t need the family coverage and told the insurer that. And the insurance, of course, automatically recalculates your subsidy, and her premium went from being zero to 1 cent. Now, no human would make that, you know, would say, Oh, that makes sense. And to Lorena, it didn’t really make sense either. She was like, I’m not sure how to pay 1 cent, like, will it work on my credit card? And some of the bills said, you know, you understand that this could impact the continuation of your insurance, but, you know, she was like, 1 cent, I don’t think so. And then she kept going to doctors, and the insurance still worked, and then at some point, four months later, she got a letter in November saying, Oh, your insurance was canceled in July, and you owe money for all these bills

Rovner: And what happened with this case? 

Rosenthal: Well, you know, like many of our “Bill of the Month” patients, I celebrate them for being real fighters, because her bill, since her premium was 1 cent a month, went from 1 cent to 2 cents to 3 cents to 4 cents to 5 cents, when they sent her the note saying your insurance has been canceled for the last four months. And what turns out, which is really interesting, is this is a known glitch in the way the subsidies were calculated, were administered. There’s a recalculation of subsidies every time there’s a life event, a kid goes off the plan, you change jobs, get married, you get divorced. So the recalculation happens automatically. And the Biden administration, understanding that this glitch could exist, they gave the insurers the option not to cancel insurance if the amount owed was less than $10. And there were apparently 180,000 people caught in this situation where their insurance could have been canceled for under $10 of a recalculated premium. The Trump administration revoked that rule because their feeling was, you owe something, you pay something. So it’s part of their “stamp out fraud and abuse,” and this was, in their view, abuse of a system when people didn’t pay what they owed.  

Rovner: One cent. 

Rosenthal: One cent, right. So what happened with her is, you know, a good bill-paying citizen sending her daughter to college with loans. She wrote her insurers, she wrote to the state, she wrote to everyone. And as a last resort, of course, someone said, Well, there’s this thing called Bill of the Month you could write to. So when we looked into this, at first HealthFirst, which was her insurer in Florida, said, Oh, she’s not insured through us. And I was like, Yeah, because you canceled her insurance. And then I gave them her insurance number, and they said, Well, yes, according to law, we did the right thing. She didn’t pay, so it was canceled. Somehow, through all of this, word got back to the hospital and the insurer, and they worked together, and her bills were suddenly zero on her portal. So that’s the good news for Lorena Alvarado Hill. It doesn’t really help all those other people whose insurance may have been canceled for premiums that were under $10. 

Rovner: So, basically, if you get a bill for 5 cents, you should pay it. 

Rosenthal: Yeah, you know, it was funny when this story went up, many people were sympathetic, but other commenters said, Well, she should have just paid $1 because you can pay that. And maybe there was a way to pay 1 cent. And I’m kind of with her, like, if I got a bill for 1 cent, life is busy. This is a woman who is a teacher’s aide and works on weekends at a store to help pay for her daughter’s college. Life is busy. You just can’t sweat over 1-cent bills and spend a lot of time figuring out how to pay them. And I guess the lesson is, what’s the worst that can happen in a very dysfunctional system where so much is automated now? The worst that can happen is always really bad. Your insurance could be canceled. 

Rovner: So basically, stay on top of it, I guess, is the message for both of these stories this month. Elisabeth Rosenthal, thank you so much. 

Rosenthal: Thanks, Julie, for having me. 

Rovner: OK, we are back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s where we each recognize a story we read this week we think you should read, too. Don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Jessie, why don’t you go first this week? 

Hellmann: My story is from The Texas Tribune, from a group of reporters who I can’t name individually. There’s too many of them. But it is  in Texas after the governor issued an executive order a few years ago requiring that hospitals check patients’ citizenship. So the story found that hospital visits by undocumented people dropped by about a third, and the story also got into how this is bleeding into other types of health care at other facilities, free vaccine clinics are not being attended as widely anymore. People aren’t attending their preventive care appointments, like cancer screenings or prenatal care checkups. Some of these other health facilities are required to check citizenship status, but it’s definitely a chilling effect over the broader health care landscape in Texas. 

Rovner: Yeah. There have been a lot of good stories about that. Sandhya. 

Raman: My extra credit is from Science, and it’s by Jocelyn Kaiser, and the story is “.” In her story, she talks about how last year, you know, the administration cut a lot of staff at the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. They’ve canceled all of the open grants, but Congress still appropriated $345 million for the agency this year, and so supporters kind of want to revive what should be going on at the agency, which hasn’t been issuing any of the grants since the start of the fiscal year, and just kind of make progress on some of the things that this agency does do, like running the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, which has been, you know, something that has been talked about this year. So thought it was an interesting piece.  

Rovner: Yeah, I’m old enough to remember when AHRQ was bipartisan. Alice. 

Ollstein: So a very harrowing story in The New York Times titled “.” And I will say, since this piece ran, we have seen that an oil shipment from Russia is going through to the island, but I don’t think that will be sufficient to completely wipe away all of the upsetting conditions that this piece really gets into, what is happening as a result of the ramped-up U.S. embargo and blockade of the island. People can’t get food, they can’t get medicine, they can’t get electricity, and that is having a devastating effect on health care. The Cuban health care system has been really miraculous over the years, just the pride of the government. It has meant, prior to this blockade, that their life expectancy was better than ours, and a lot of their outcomes were better. And so this has been really devastating. There’s, you know, harrowing scenes of people on ventilators having to be hand-pumped when the electricity cuts out, babies in incubators, you know, losing power. You know, people having to skip medications, etc. And so this is really shining a light on a foreign policy situation that this administration is behind. 

Rovner: Yeah, that’s really been an under-covered story, too, I think, you know, right off our shores. My extra credit this week is one I simply could not resist. It’s from New York Magazine, and it’s called “,” by Helaine Olen. And as the headline rather vividly points out, we are witnessing the rise of pet medical tourism, along with human medical tourism, which has been a thing for a couple of decades now. It seems that veterinary medicine is getting nearly as expensive as human medicine, and that one way to find cheaper care is to cross the border, which is obviously easier if you live near the border. I’m not sure how much cheaper veterinary care is in Canada, but as the owner of two corgis, I may have to do some investigating of my own.  

OK, that is this week’s show. As always, thanks to our editor, Emmarie Huetteman, and our producer-engineer, Francis Ying. A reminder: What the Health? is now available on WAMU platforms, the NPR app, and wherever you get your podcasts â€” as well as, of course, kffhealthnews.org. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can find me still on X , or on Bluesky . Where are you folks hanging these days? Sandhya. 

Raman: On  and on  . 

Rovner: Alice. 

Ollstein: On Bluesky  and on X . 

Rovner: Jessie. 

Hellmann: I’m on LinkedIn under Jessie Hellmann and on X . 

Rovner: We’ll be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy. 

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Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

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Trump Team Claims Successes Against ACA Fraud While Pushing for More Controls /health-industry/trump-obamacare-affordable-care-act-regulations-fraud-income-subsidies/ Fri, 27 Mar 2026 09:00:00 +0000 Complaints about enrollment fraud in Affordable Care Act health insurance coverage have bedeviled the federal marketplace for years.

Now, the Trump administration in reducing the problem while simultaneously saying more controls are needed.

It has proposed a for next year, including stepped-up requirements for some applicants to prove eligibility for subsidies or enrollment and new scrutiny of sales agents and marketing practices.

While there is a general acknowledgment that there is fraud in the ACA marketplace, some health policy analysts say these new requirements miss that mark and instead will make it harder for people who are eligible to enroll.

“There is a trade-off, particularly with the provisions focused on consumers, that maybe it will prevent some fraudulent enrollment, but also potentially a large number of valid applicants,” said Matthew Fiedler, a senior fellow with the Center on Health Policy at the Brookings Institution.

In its proposal, though, the administration expresses optimism that efforts already in place will continue to pay off, despite the fact that the number of complaints about unauthorized enrollment or switching rose to 341,906 in 2025, compared with 229,734 the year before Donald Trump took office. Still, according to the rule, “program integrity measures implemented during the past year,” along with the expiration of enhanced tax credits, “are likely to lead to a decrease” in complaints in 2026.

The end of those tax credits also means the amount people pay toward their coverage has increased. Data released Jan. 28 by federal officials showed a year-over-year  enrollments across the federal healthcare.gov marketplace and those run by states. And from KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News, found that of those who remained covered this year, 80% said their premiums or other costs are higher than they were last year, with 51% saying they are “a lot higher.”

Katie Keith, a director at Georgetown University’s O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law, said the administration was sending mixed messages, on one hand “talking about its fraud-fighting efforts” being successful, but releasing a proposed rule “that says we have to have all these restrictions on consumers because of fraud.”

Closing Consumer Windows

Last year, the Trump administration reversed some of the Biden administration’s ACA efforts, including eliminating a special enrollment period for low-income people that let them sign up year-round.

This year’s rule includes proposed changes aimed at preventing people from fudging their incomes — higher or lower — to qualify for subsidies.

For instance, applicants whose federal data shows they were previously below the poverty level — and thus not eligible for subsidies — would have to submit additional income verification to show they expect to earn above the poverty level in the coming year.

Another part of the proposed rule would require the federal marketplace, used by 30 states, to step up verification efforts for people who want to sign up outside of the ACA’s annual open enrollment period, for reasons including getting married, adopting a baby, or losing other coverage. Currently, the marketplaces conduct such reviews only when people say they qualify because they lost other insurance, according to an .

The income verification requirements “will be burdensome,” she said.

Some ACA applicants, especially those running small businesses or working several part-time jobs, find it more difficult to estimate or document their anticipated income and might find they’re prevented from getting subsidies, Keith and other analysts said.

These proposals are among policies reprised from last year’s ACA rule and initially intended to take effect in 2026. But several cities filed a lawsuit to challenge those regulations. The judge overseeing the case pending its outcome.

In his order issuing a temporary stay, questioned whether the government adequately responded to questions about the accuracy of data it used in citing widespread fraud.

Additionally, many of the provisions purportedly targeting fraud are “unsupported by data showing that if enacted, they will, in fact, reduce any such fraud,” the judge wrote.

The proposal for 2027 has “new supporting information since the original policies were established” that includes clarifying what documentation is needed for some of the verification processes, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services spokesperson Catherine Howden said in an email. In addition, she said that CMS is now reviewing public comments that have been submitted before finalizing the provisions.

Targeting Fraud by Agents, Marketers

Critics of the ACA argue that more-generous subsidies put in place as a response to the covid pandemic, in addition to other changes during the Biden administration, led rogue brokers to enroll or switch people without their consent, seeking to collect commissions. That could be done easily, critics say, because with many plans, subsidies covered the entire premium. The lack of a monthly bill made it easier to sign people up without their knowledge — a long-running problem . When that happens it can leave people unable to access their coverage .

Those expanded subsidies have now expired, but the administration’s proposed rule would still add requirements for agents. For example, they would be barred from providing cash or most other freebies as incentives to enroll, have to use a standard consent form that must be signed by the consumer, and be held responsible if they hired a marketing firm that used questionable advertising to lure customers. That includes touting nonexistent gift cards or making websites look like official government ACA portals. Such websites would have to be removed.

“This would help ensure no additional consumers would see the advertisement and be misled,” the proposal says.

Insurance agents told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News that some of the proposals, such as delineating what counts as a misleading marketing effort, are good first steps but might not fully address concerns about unauthorized enrollment.

It doesn’t “address all the system vulnerabilities,” said Jason Fine, who runs a brokerage in Florida. He said he has filed more than 100 reports about unauthorized rivals accessing his clients’ coverage over the past two years but has yet to see any of those agents removed from the federal marketplace.

More than 850 agents had their certification suspended with little notice in late 2024 under the Biden administration, which said it was looking into complaints about them. The Trump administration told the Government Accountability Office in May that it had reinstated all or most of those agents to fulfill its “statutory and regulatory” responsibilities, according from the independent oversight group. The report, which outlined long-running fraud problems in the ACA, noted that CMS would continue to monitor those agents and could take “further enforcement action” against them.

Another Biden rule, this one aimed at combating unauthorized sign-ups, remains in place and requires agents to have three-way calls with the client and a federal marketplace call center representative for some enrollments or plan changes.

But Fine and other agents said bad actors are finding ways around that requirement, including by faking that they are the customer during the calls. That contention is backed up in the administration’s new proposal, which notes that federal regulators have received reports that some brokers “may be using artificial intelligence to impersonate consumers and falsely attest to household income.”

Still, the proposal does not include some of the measures agents say would improve the situation.

Fine, for example, said the federal marketplace should more proactively flag unusual activity on consumer accounts, such as multiple agent changes or switches to new insurers within a short period of time, or changes made in the dead of night.

“Overnight is when a lot of this fraud occurs,” Fine said. “No one is changing their insurance at 4 a.m., and that should trigger an automatic fraud alert.” He also wants to see a proposal to rein in overseas call centers that contact U.S. residents — often repeatedly, sometimes making claims about free gift cards or other nonexistent perks — then send their information to agents looking to enroll them or switch their ACA plans.

Others, including Ronnell Nolan, president of Health Agents for America, have also long called for two-factor authentication, similar to what banks require, to confirm that enrollments or switches are approved by the consumer. The 20 states, plus the District of Columbia, that run their own marketplaces incorporate additional measures, including two-factor authentication, few of the types of problems that the federal market has seen, Nolan said. The administration’s proposed rule does not call for this protection.

A conservative think tank, the , estimates there are several million fraudulent enrollments, but other groups — including the GAO, using a different methodology — have put the estimate far lower.

Based on its preliminary analysis, the GAO estimated there were “at least 160,000 applications in plan year 2024 that had likely unauthorized changes,” representing about 1.5% of all applications.

Meanwhile, Brookings’ Fiedler said the debate around the proposal highlights an ongoing question — not just how much fraud exists or what to do about it, but “how much government should help people get covered at all.”

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-industry/trump-obamacare-affordable-care-act-regulations-fraud-income-subsidies/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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2172725
Steep Health Care Costs Steer Americans to Tough Decisions /podcast/arm-and-a-leg-rising-health-insurance-costs-difficult-choices/ Wed, 25 Mar 2026 09:00:00 +0000 Health insurance is out of reach for millions of Americans this year. Many are making difficult decisions about how to pay for coverage amid the loss of Affordable Care Act subsidies and nosebleed-high premiums.

Attorney Nicole Wipp and skate-shop owner Noah Hulsman tell An Arm and a Leg host Dan Weissmann how they tried to balance their financial and physical health when they couldn’t find good options.

Wipp and Hulsman first spoke with Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News senior correspondent for the series “,” which tracks how people are responding to skyrocketing health insurance costs.

Dan Weissmann Host and producer of "An Arm and a Leg." Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago's WBEZ. His work also appears on "All Things Considered," Marketplace, the BBC, 99% Invisible, and "Reveal" from the Center for Investigative Reporting.

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Emily Pisacreta Producer
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Click to open the Transcript Transcript: ‘Not workable’: How two Americans picked a plan this year — or didn’t

Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.

Dan: Hey there. About a dozen years ago, Nicole Wipp was trying to spend less time running her law firm and more time with her son, who was in preschool. ?It was a work in progress. 

And then she started feeling— a little off. ?Tired. Out of breath. Her doctor thought it was stress.

Nicole didn’t think so, but she soldiered on. And got worse. For months. Until one day— when she told her husband she just couldn’t get off the couch — he was like, you’re going to urgent care. An x-ray showed her whole left lung totally blacked out.?

 Next stop, emergency room. 

Nicole Wipp: They put a huge needle and shoved it into my back and drew out two liters. Imagine a whole two-liter of pop – I’m from Michigan, so I say pop – from your body. They draw a whole two-liter of liquid. And I felt so much better immediately. I was like, wow, I can breathe. Like, wow, this is so cool. But, um, it was sort of horrifying.

Dan: Nicole says she eventually got diagnosed with a rare lung condition

Nicole Wipp: It’s called lymphangioleiomyomatosis — LAMB for short.

Dan: But not before she’d spent a month in hospitals — hospitals, plural — and had multiple expensive surgeries.

Nicole Wipp: Minimum — my husband and I tried to like tally it all up, like look at all the bills afterward — and it was, minimum, a half a million dollars. 

Dan: Which, because her husband’s job at the time provided good health insurance, didn’t break them.

Nicole’s condition hasn’t bothered her for years. But it’s not cured. It’s incurable.

And yet. This year, Nicole and her husband didn’t sign up for health insurance.

For more than 20 million people on Obamacare plans, the price of health insurance changed dramatically this year. Premiums skyrocketed just as subsidies got sharply reduced. 

Some people faced horrifically stark new circumstances: 

People who needed insurance to cover ongoing treatment: for cancer, for diabetes — treatment they literally could not live without — saw premiums jump by thousands of dollars a month, more than they could possibly afford.

And millions more got stuck taking gambles. Making messy, unsatisfying choices. 

Our partners at Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News have been talking with lots of those people. 

They introduced us to Nicole. She and her husband could have paid for health insurance. But when rates went up, they did the math and decided not to. They’re generally healthy, and honestly have more financial cushion than most people. 

If they need medical care — ordinary medical care, anyway— they think they’ll be better off just paying cash. 

But they know they’re gambling: that 2026 won’t be the year Nicole’s condition flares up, or that some other catastrophe hits.

Our pals at Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News also introduced us to this man:

Noah Hulsman: My name’s Noah Hulsman. I own and operate Home Skateboard Shop here in Louisville, Kentucky.

Dan: It’s Louisville’s only skateboard shop. It’s kind of a family business, kind of a community center, kind of a place Noah’s spent most of his 37 years. 

Noah’s still paying for insurance — paying for  protection against catastrophe. But because all he can afford this year is a bare-bones plan, he doesn’t have a way to pay for ordinary medical care. Which he could actually really use. 

Noah Hulsman: So I’m kind of in a position right now… I need my left shoulder looked at, but I have an $8,400 deductible. Yeah.

Dan:  We’ll get into that — it sucks. But first: I really want you to hear about this skateboard shop.

Noah Hulsman: When I tell the story, it almost seems like a movie or something. Like, somebody made this up.

Dan: Let’s go. 

This is An Arm and a Leg — a show about why health care costs so freaking much, and what we can maybe do about it. I’m Dan Weissmann. I’m a reporter, and I like a challenge. So the job we’ve chosen here is to take one of the most enraging, terrifying, depressing parts of American life, and bring you a show that’s entertaining, empowering, and useful.

Here’s how Noah ended up a skater for life.

Noah Hulsman: So my grandmother, she opened up a skateboard shop in 1988 here in Louisville. It was called Skateboards Unlimited. She had a little skate park also behind it called Ottoman Skate Park.

Dan: Noah’s grandmother was not a skater. She’d been a nurse — but she had five kids, and Noah says she ended up more of a stay-at-home mom.

Noah Hulsman: And then with all the commotion that was always occurring, with all the friends in and outta the house, with having five kids and all these skateboarders that just started popping up, she just decided, you know what? Let’s like have a place for you all to go.

Dan: She opened Skateboards Unlimited — and a skate park behind it.

When her youngest son finished high school — and moved to the West Coast as a professional skateboarder — it was the end of an era. And the beginning of another. 

Noah’s grandma closed up Skateboards Unlimited. 

Noah Hulsman: And uh, that’s when one of her employees was like, you know what? We gotta keep having a skate shop. 

Dan: They called it Home Skate Shop. Noah became a regular customer, eventually an employee. And — ten years ago, when he was 27, — he took over the business. 

Noah is as invested as anybody could possibly be.

Noah Hulsman: It’s everything. It’s my whole life. Yeah.

Dan: It’s doing OK. There were a few rocky years early on — Noah says he qualified for Medicaid. But things actually picked up when the pandemic started.

Noah Hulsman: Skateboarding was one of the only things that you do by yourself. You’re doing it outside. If I would’ve been able to get a hold of more product, we would’ve, we would’ve killed it.

Dan: Noah got an Obamacare plan, and he even bought a building — he leases out a couple of apartments, runs an air bnb in a third one, and says he breaks even on it, right now..

Noah Hulsman: They say, you know, real estate is a long term game.

Dan: Noah’s a long-term kind of guy.

\He and his girlfriend have been together for 16 years — even while she was away at veterinary school.

Noah Hulsman: She just finished up at Auburn this past year and moved back home and yeah, it’s been awesome.

Dan: Now they live together — with their four cats — in an apartment less than a mile from where his grandma started her skate shop.

But it’s not a cushy living. Noah says he takes odd jobs and gives skateboarding lessons to make ends meet.

Noah Hulsman: Every single day is a hustle. There is no day, like you can’t get sick, you can’t be–  no downtime. If you take vacations, you’re still working from your phone, you’re checking in on the shop.

Dan: Noah says his income — all in — has been holding steady at around $33,000 a year. Last year, with a subsidy, he was able to get a gold plan for about a hundred and five dollars a month.

For 2026 — with premiums jacked up and subsidies cranked down — that gold plan would have cost him an extra $500 a month. That’s $6000 a year. Way more than he could afford.

Instead, he picked a Bronze plan. It leaves him paying pretty much exactly the same every month as he did last year, but it covers so much less.

Noah Hulsman: I don’t even know why I’m paying that. It’s useless really, unless I get into a car accident and I have $10,000 worth of bills.

Dan: Or a skateboarding accident. Or a serious illness. Anything.

He’s holding onto the plan as a backstop against a worst-case scenario, against ending up with more debt than he could ever pay back.

But having a backstop is not the same as having access to medical care.

A few months ago, Noah says his left shoulder started bothering him. He says it doesn’t stop him from day-to-day stuff, running the shop. But it does impose limits. 

Noah Hulsman: It’s those like quick movements. It’s those like blast-off times like when I’m popping on my skateboard or when I’m like turning a certain like front side and like throwing all my weight that way. 

Dan: His bronze plan — with its $8400 deductible — means he can’t afford to get it checked out.

Noah Hulsman: To go through, okay first you have to go see primary care, then they gotta do the x-ray. Then once you see the x-ray, oh, we can’t tell anything from the x-ray. Yeah, we know because it’s ligaments and tendons and muscles and things like, I’m not a doctor, but I’ve been through this a few times. So, okay, we’re gonna get you the MRI. All right. Here’s the MRI. None of that’s gonna be covered.

Dan: It sounds like thousands of dollars to Noah — to me too, really. And that’s before getting it treated, which could mean surgery.

Noah doesn’t have thousands of dollars lying around. If he did, he would’ve paid up for the gold plan. 

So he’s avoiding tricks that could irritate the shoulder,

Noah Hulsman:  I can still skateboard. I just have to choose what tricks or what obstacles. I don’t have like the freedom that I had when I used to ride my skateboard.

Dan: He’s hoping he can nurse the injury along till next year, when he thinks he could afford better insurance. 

Noah Hulsman: What I’m kind of planning on doing is my, my shop vehicle is about to be paid off next year or like at, at the, I think it’s like middle of next year. And that payment is basically what that gold plan payment is.

Dan: Yeah, yeah,

Noah Hulsman: That’s what’s probably gonna happen. That’s my new car payment. New shoulder payment.

Dan: Man, that super sucks. I mean, grimly hilarious 

Noah Hulsman: Yeah. Yeah. I mean, if this, you have to just laugh at how ridiculous the world is these days. There’s, I mean, if you just take it serious, doom and gloom all the time, it’s going to, you’re not gonna make it. You gotta just laugh these days. It’s so ridiculous.

Dan: It is. Noah is far from alone. A Gallup poll taken in late 2025 found that more than a quarter of all Americans had postponed surgery or medical treatment because of cost.

Being insured and having access to medical care — for lots of people, they haven’t been the same for a long time.

This year, especially for people using Obamacare, that’s accelerating. 

We don’t know yet how many people made choices like Noah’s, and moved to plans that cover less, in order to have a monthly payment they could kind of afford.

Federal numbers won’t be out for a while. But an analyst named Charles Gaba ran some preliminary numbers from a few states.

He found that the number of people in Silver and Gold and Platinum plans was down significantly. And the number of people in Bronze plans, the cheapest, was up dramatically.

And we do know that at least a million people have dropped Obamacare. Some have dropped insurance altogether. Including, of course, Nicole Wipp.

We’re coming back to her story, just ahead. 

This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. That’s a nonprofit newsroom reporting on health issues in America. The reporters at Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News do amazing work — win all kinds of awards every year. And in a little while, you’ll meet the KFF reporter who introduced me to Noah Hulsman and Nicole Wipp.

Dan: Before Nicole Wipp knew that her Obamacare rates would be going up, she knew she was pissed at what she calls the insurance industrial complex. 

Nicole Wipp: So my son. Just for example, we took him— called in advance, ‘do you take our insurance?’ Took him to get basic well child vaccines. Well, next thing I know, I got a bill for $4,000. I called them up and was like, what is this? 

Dan: She says that was early 2025, and she’s been fighting ever since. 

Nicole Wipp: They’ve cut it down to like 1200, but I’m like, no, no, no, no, no. It should be a hundred percent covered under our insurance, So that’s the thing is like, why would I participate in this?

Dan: And at least since her half-a-million-dollar medical adventure Nicole Wipp has been pretty determined to live life on her own terms.

Even before her illness, she had already been trying to spend less time running her law practice and more time with her family.

Then, after the illness, she more than doubled down on that. On her website, she says she went from working 80 hours a week to working just five days a month.

That’s the website for a new business she started after her recovery: a consulting and coaching practice that offers to help people achieve financial success on their own terms. 

Nicole Wipp: Financial success for me is very much not just about money, it’s really more about quality of life and having enough money to have that quality of life.

Dan: So, for instance, about four years after her illness, Nicole’s family moved from Michigan to Hawaii.

Nicole Wipp: We said, we want to live in Hawaii because we wanna have a quality of life. And of course, living in Hawaii is not cheap. It’s one of the most expensive places in the United States to live.

Dan: But that’s what they wanted. And they made it work. 

And then their son got into polo. Like, with horses. Which is harder to do in Hawaii— to do seriously, competitively — without a lot of traveling to the mainland. So they moved again, to South Carolina.

Nicole Wipp: And we did, by the way, when we moved back to the mainland, FedExed four horses from Hawaii

Dan: Oh my God.

Nicole Wipp: I know, and like when you say, all these things, it sounds insane, right? It is insane. 

Dan: Since then, she says they’ve picked up another four horses.

Nicole Wipp: Now we have a total of eight, which is a lot, a lot by the way. Um, and so, you know, I say it out loud and I’m like, oh, I’m not proud of this, to be honest with you. But, but we have also though made other choices like we live in a smaller home than we would otherwise, so that we can do that.

Dan: And that home is in a part of South Carolina where houses aren’t super- expensive. So Nicole says the mortgage on their house is less than the $1400 they would’ve been paying if they’d kept their insurance this year. 

The expensive horses, the less-expensive home…

Nicole Wipp:  Like these are choices that we’ve made as a family that I understand very much that most people would never make these choices, but we’re doing it in as responsible of a fashion as we possibly can.

Dan: A few years ago, her husband changed careers— no more job-based health coverage. They started buying insurance on the Obamacare exchange.

But by mid-2025, it started looking like that insurance could get a lot more expensive. Not because they’d lose a subsidy — they hadn’t qualified for a subsidy to start with. 

But if subsidies went away, she figured rates would go way up.  

Nicole Wipp: I started bringing it up to my husband. Like, I don’t know what this is gonna look like. I’m very worried about it. And we may be in a situation where we need to make a choice 

Dan: Could they contemplate doing without insurance?

Nicole Wipp: And so we had probably, you know, 20 conversations, at least, about it.

Dan: Before making a decision — even before 2026 rates got posted — Nicole and her husband started taking some steps. She scheduled a colonoscopy, and went to the dermatologist for a skin check. Her husband got some tests too.

If they didn’t have insurance next year, those tests wouldn’t be covered. And if any tests came back with scary results, insurance would be more important.

Obamacare premiums for 2026 got published. Their family’s rate would go up by about 50 percent. 

Nicole Wipp: Once the numbers came out, I was like, I just don’t know if this makes sense.?But we were like, okay, we need to gather more information. We need to think about it some more. 

Dan: Their tests had come back OK. And they felt fine. Maybe they wouldn’t need any medical care in 2026, or not much. But maybe they would. How might they pay the bills? They kept talking. And they identified some ideas.

For one thing, Nicole found some money socked away in a health savings account from her husband’s old job. 

Nicole Wipp: It’s not a lot, but it was like, oh, that’s a nice little cushion. Like we could use that if we needed it. 

Dan: Nicole figured, if they were paying cash, she’d be in a good position to negotiate with providers for discounts. 

Nicole Wipp: Because I’m a lawyer and I’ve been around the block on these things, so I had a lot of faith that I could negotiate a bill.

Dan: And she had other ideas for finding deals. 

Nicole Wipp: I was like, you know, depending on what the situation is, we could fly to another country, receive healthcare quality healthcare. It still would be less. And I am not above doing that.

Dan: And if all of that required more cash than they had lying around, Nicole figured, they still had options. 

Nicole Wipp: We have certain assets that in an extreme emergency we could sell – I mean, because it’s not just the horses. We have horse trailers and like, you know, there’s a lot that goes along with all of that that isn’t just the horses by the way.

Dan: None of which made the decision easy. Nicole says she and her husband didn’t fully decide until the actual deadline came for signing up. Even then, they knew they were gonna keep their son insured.

Nicole Wipp: I would be in my opinion, not responsible as a mom, so… because he does play a very dangerous sport.

Dan: But for the adults, they weighed the risks, and decided to gamble.

Nicole Wipp: If I take that money and invest it instead of putting, I don’t know, am I gonna be out further ahead? I will if I don’t have a massive emergency and a half a million dollar illness. Um, right? And so it’s a gamble, like, right? All of this is a gamble, but it was a gamble that I was like, I just don’t want to participate in this any longer because this is not workable for almost anybody, but it certainly isn’t workable for me anymore mentally or emotionally.

Dan: Not workable for almost anybody. 

[Music transition]

Renu Rayasam: I mean, I also think about this as a reporter. We have these individual stories. What do they mean? First of all, why is this system like this and what does it mean for everyone?

Dan: That’s Renu Rayasam. She’s a senior correspondent with our partners at Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. She introduced me to Nicole and to Noah. She and her colleagues have been talking with dozens of people about the choices they’ve been forced to make about insurance this year.

?And thinking about what those individual stories mean has led Renu to some big reflections. 

Renu Rayasam: I think sometimes in the US you take for granted the way things are. Just you don’t, you don’t realize there is another way, you know? There is another way! And um, and that’s where everybody has health insurance and those costs are better spread out. 

Dan: Renu is speaking in part from experience. She spent a half-dozen years living in Germany. We talked about her experience— and how it affects the way she sees stories like Nicole’s and Noah’s. 

Renu Rayasam: ?Well first of all, it was kind of amazing to like never get a medical bill. Like that was like, like so mind blowing that you just, like, you go to the doctor and you never get a bill. 

Dan: Not because the government pays for health care. But because the government requires everybody to have health insurance. 

Renu Rayasam:  People pay premiums. ?You have to pay into the system. And it’s not necessarily cheap either.??But then on the back end, you’re never worried about, oh, my shoulders hurt, I have to get this MRI and I’m gonna get a bill.

Dan: ?Most people pay a government-set rate — about 15 percent of their income. Most insurance funds are non-profit. Everything’s highly regulated, and everybody gets the same benefits. Here, things are … more chaotic. Less predictable. People have to make hard choices— and those choices feed back into the chaos. 

Renu Rayasam: So if somebody like Nicole opts out of health insurance, they’re not paying into this system and the people who are paying into the system are people who need care. And so that makes health insurance more expensive generally. 

Dan: Because insurers set their rates based on how much they expect to pay out. When healthy people bail, the rates go up. And when rates go up, healthy people bail. They reinforce each other. It’s what experts call a death spiral.

As some of those experts told Renu, a version of that happened over the last year. ?It wasn’t a coincidence that insurers jacked up prices when subsidies were on the chopping block. 

Renu Rayasam: Part of the reason that insurers raised their prices was because they expected people to drop plans and that fewer people would be paying their premiums and be paying into the system.

Dan: And people like Nicole and Noah ended up with lousy choices to make. 

Noah chose to keep paying for insurance as a backstop against absolute financial catastrophe — even though the insurance he can afford doesn’t give him access to medical care he needs. 

Nicole and her husband think they’ve got the resources to pay for ordinary medical care. Even maybe a big medical deal — as long as there was time to hop on a plane and get to a country where they could afford treatment.

But they’re not protected against the worst. Nicole knows bankruptcy is a real possibility. 

Nicole Wipp: We don’t have a guarantee. And it still weighs on me every day that I made this choice because it feels fraught. Do I regret it? No, not at the moment. I don’t. Will I regret it? I hope not.

Dan: Hmm.

Nicole Wipp: I don’t know though.

Dan: Yeah, you’re not like, I did it. I’m free, you know, this is the best. It’s like, no, you’re not free of it.

Nicole Wipp: No, I don’t feel free at all.

Dan: I wish I had a snappier ending to this story. We are more stuck than ever — all of us — making messy choices, hoping for the best. So I’m gonna give Noah the last word here. 

He’s taking his own advice: Taking things as they come, recognizing what’s ridiculous, and aiming to hang in there for the long term.

Noah Hulsman: ?Hopefully we, you know, get enough equity in this building that once it’s time to pass the skateboard shop on, maybe sell the building and hopefully that’s when we get to maybe cash out and go to the beach. 

Dan: Wow. 

Noah Hulsman: ?Maybe. Or maybe I’ll just get to pay off my medical debt that I’ve accrued over however many years at that point.

Dan: We’ll be back in a few weeks with a new episode. Till then, take care of yourself. 

This episode of An Arm and a Leg was produced me, Dan Weissmann, with help from Emily Pisacreta — and edited by Ellen Weiss. 

Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard.

Our music is by Dave Weiner and Blue Dot Sessions. 

Claire Davenport is our engagement producer.

Sarah Ballema is our Operations Manager. Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations. 

An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. That’s a national newsroom producing in-depth journalism about health issues in America and a core program at KFF, an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism.

 Zach Dyer is senior audio producer at Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. He’s editorial liaison to this show.

An Arm and a Leg is distributed by KUOW, Seattle’s NPR news station.

And thanks to the Institute for Nonprofit News for serving as our fiscal sponsor.

They allow us to accept tax-exempt donations. You can learn more about INN at INN.org.

Finally, thank you to everybody who supports this show financially.

You can join in any time at arm and a leg show, dot com, slash: support.


“An Arm and a Leg” is a co-production of Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and Public Road Productions.

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Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/podcast/arm-and-a-leg-rising-health-insurance-costs-difficult-choices/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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