Tompkins returned to her home in San Diego, but she was still taking antibiotics, along with a host of other drugs for diabetes, pain, and blood clots. The deaths of her husband the previous year and her closest friend more recently had sapped her spirits.

In early July, a new symptom appeared: violent vomiting three times within about 24 hours. “I was so depleted,” she said. “I got weaker and weaker.” A friend who was visiting her called an ambulance.

“It’s the last place you think you want to go, the ER,” said Tompkins, 75, a retired teacher and family program director. She anticipated spending hours on an uncomfortable stretcher in a chilly hallway. Arriving at the emergency department at UC San Diego Health in La Jolla early in the morning, “I was in a knot,” she said.

But the place upended Tompkins’ expectations. Since 2022, this and every other adult ER in San Diego has been accredited as a geriatric emergency department, redesigned to address the specific risks and needs of older patients. It’s an approach, recent studies show, that can among older adults and lower costs.

“They took me right to a room,” Tompkins said. She was transferred to a gurney with a thicker mattress to prevent bedsores and given blankets. “I got an IV right away because I needed fluids,” she said.

She was pleased that the small, curtained room, with sound-absorbing walls to lower the cacophony of emergency care, had a cushioned chair for her friend, who would stay with her, and a window looking out on trees.

The window served a medical purpose, too. Patients “can see whether it’s day or night,” said Denise Valenzuela, the geriatric emergency nurse assigned to Tompkins. “It prevents delirium,” the sudden change in mental status that can arise in hospitalized older patients and increase dementia risk.

Before long, “I just felt a calmness,” Tompkins said. “I felt, I’m where I need to be right now.”

Since 2017, the American College of Emergency Physicians has accredited 624 such geriatric emergency departments across the United States, including 73 in Department of Veterans Affairs medical centers. “A fairly exponential rate of growth,” said Kevin Biese, the emergency doctor who directs the Geriatric Emergency Department Collaborative.

Few of these units are restricted to older patients. Instead, like the ER in La Jolla, they serve all ages but incorporate senior-friendly practices and protocols in an environment aimed at staving off disorientation, falls, and other elder hazards. They’re classified from Level 1, for those fulfilling the highest number of criteria, to Level 3.

Adults 75 and older visit the emergency room at a except infants: 76 visits per 100 people in 2022. Yet standard emergency care “wasn’t correctly designed for the needs of older adults,” Biese said.

The mission of a traditional ER is to speedily identify the central problem and either fix it or admit the patient to the hospital for ongoing care. “We ask, ‘What’s your chief complaint?’” Biese said. “You fell down the stairs and broke your leg.”

Older patients rarely arrive with a single ailment, however. Like Tompkins, most contend with several chronic conditions, take multiple prescriptions, and need a variety of tests and assessments. Trained geriatric emergency teams focus not only on the broken leg but on determining what caused the fall, and how to prevent another one.

“An emergency department doesn’t routinely screen for delirium” and cognitive impairment, said Ula Hwang, an emergency doctor and researcher at NYU Langone Health. “But it’s one of the first things geriatric emergency departments will do,” along with a careful review of all the patient’s medications.

Geriatric ERs also try to counter sensory impairment, another contributor to delirium, by distributing reading glasses and sound-amplifying devices. They dim glaring lights and offer eye masks and earplugs to promote sleep. If Tompkins had forgotten her walker, the unit would have lent her one.

These ERs also aim to address a rising concern in emergency departments: hours or even days spent “boarding,” when admitted patients wait for open beds before they can leave the ER.

“Prolonged boarding has increased among older adults,” said Cameron Gettel, an emergency doctor and researcher at the Yale School of Medicine, referring to waits that last over three hours. He is a co-author of a .

Spending more time boarding isn’t merely uncomfortable or inconvenient. Researchers studied patients 75 and older in emergency departments across France. They found that those kept there overnight before moving to an inpatient ward had a (15.7%) than those admitted to a ward before midnight (11.1%). Overnight boarding was associated with more falls and infections, too.

What geriatric emergency staffers prefer, however, is to help patients avoid hospitalization altogether. “Admission may not be the best thing for an older adult,” Hwang said. “It might be the worst.”

Hospital patients, she said, are exposed to infections, staff errors, and the rapid deconditioning that accompanies days spent in bed. All pose a greater threat to older patients.

Previous from geriatric emergency departments, but most of those studies involved one or two hospitals. Now, Hwang and her team have used nationwide data from the federal “Health and Retirement Study” and Medicare claims for nearly 4,600 adults age 65 or up, comparing those treated in geriatric emergency departments with a matched group seen in standard ERs.

The differences were stark: Patients in the geriatric units had a 39% and a 38% reduction in mortality over 30 days. The geriatric ERs also up to about $3,000 a visit, according to an earlier study Hwang led.

So having more than geriatric emergency departments nationwide represents both great strides and — in a country with — missed opportunities, Biese said.

“I’d encourage people to ask why their hospitals don’t have an accredited GED,” he added, referring to a geriatric emergency department. “We should demand that.”

In La Jolla, Tompkins began feeling stronger. The intravenous fluids supplied anti-nausea medication and corrected the electrolyte abnormalities that her lab work revealed. She was able to sip water and juice and eat a few graham crackers.

A battery of other screens and scans found no serious concerns. After completing a geriatric assessment, Valenzuela, the nurse, suspected Tompkins hadn’t been eating well and was taking medications on a mostly empty stomach.

By about 6 p.m., Tompkins and her doctor agreed she could return home. She left the hospital with numbers to call for further help, and several staff members checked in by phone to see how she was doing.

Better, was her answer. “They took care of the whole me and put me on the right track,” Tompkins said. “I’m progressing. It’s slow, but I’m OK.”

The New Old Age is produced through a partnership with .

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

Although she hasn’t dispensed any, On plans to keep them on hand. “It’s good to have if a patient comes in and doesn’t have health insurance,” she said. “Or just in case of emergencies.”

Seven months after the launch of its own low-cost insulin brand, state health officials said California has distributed more than 120,000 five-pen packs of insulin glargine priced at $55 each, significantly less than the $89 to $411 that the state says most popular brand names charge before any retail markups or consumer discounts.

While it represents a tiny amount of the state’s insulin pipeline, it marks the first time a state is competing against the insulin drugmakers — Eli Lilly, Sanofi, and Novo Nordisk — under its own prescription drug label. CalRx, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s experimental initiative, has dual aims: to act as an emergency supplier for people who are uninsured or can’t afford their prescriptions, and to disrupt the nation’s deep-pocketed pharmaceutical industry, which cost the U.S. in 2024, the federal government reported in June.

Newsom, a Democrat considering a presidential run in 2028, is expected to make healthcare a central pillar of his national platform as he concludes his second and final term as governor. To create the state brand of generic drugs, California inked a $50 million contract with , a Utah-based nonprofit drugmaker, to develop the CalRx insulin, known as a biosimilar. Though major distributors make the drug available in pharmacies around the state, uptake has been limited.

Newsom’s goal is to saturate the insulin market and offer generic versions of drugs either high in cost or low in supply, or that can improve public health. The state is also distributing free naloxone, used in a nasal spray to reverse opioid overdoses, and trying to bring albuterol inhalers to public schools for students with asthma emergencies. In the next two years, the state plans to launch epinephrine injectables, commonly known by the brand name EpiPen, which are used to treat severe allergic reactions, as well as a state-branded medication to treat tuberculosis.

Before he leaves office in January, Newsom said, he wants to add generic GLP-1 medications to compete with brand-name drugs such as Ozempic and Wegovy. The drugs have , but employers have about their cost.

Taking on drug costs is a winning political issue for both Democrats and Republicans, who have for years tried to rein in as Americans feel the pinch of high prices at pharmacy counters, in doctors’ offices, and from health insurance premiums. The U.S. spends roughly on prescription drugs as other industrialized countries. Six in 10 adults in the U.S. say they’re worried about being able to afford their prescription drug costs, according to a , and 4 in 10 say they’ve tried to save money such as by skipping doses and not filling prescriptions.

, President Donald Trump launched to potentially lower out-of-pocket costs for consumers. But TrumpRx doesn’t produce drugs; rather, it directs consumers to find more affordable medications with coupons or on drugmakers’ websites. Newsom, in contrast, is trying to drive down the underlying price of medicines by increasing the manufacturing and availability of generic drugs.

While some people with diabetes may benefit from CalRx insulin, California’s generic drug effort is largely symbolic at this time, said Geoffrey Joyce, director of health policy at the Schaeffer Center at the University of Southern California. “There is some value, but it’s for a very limited number of drugs for just a fraction of the population,” Joyce said.

And TrumpRx isn’t helping at a large scale either, Joyce added, because many medications it advertises have cheaper generic versions available elsewhere. It would be better, he said, to develop large-scale initiatives that tackle key drivers of the high cost of drugs, for rare cancers for instance, and produce safer and higher-quality medicines.

“What you really need is a national effort that focuses on vulnerabilities like supply shortages and increasing the supply of generic products for higher-priced drugs,” Joyce said.

Market Disruptor

CalRx aims to make insulin more affordable and accessible for the California adults diagnosed with diabetes. Newsom last year singled out the three major drugmakers that control more than 90% of the global insulin market, while also targeting intermediaries known as pharmacy benefit managers for promoting higher-priced drugs over cheaper generic alternatives.

Patients with health insurance often receive discounts at the pharmacy counter and do not pay sticker prices, yet those discount programs can be hard to navigate and patients can face restrictions. While drugmakers and pharmacy benefit managers said they’ve already initiated on out-of-pocket costs and pass price discounts on to consumers, Newsom argues that consumers still struggle to afford their medications.

He has criticized pharmaceutical companies for gouging Californians and contended that the industry’s discounting schemes don’t adequately address inflated prescription drug spending, which in the U.S. rose 7.9% in the most recent reporting year.

In his announcement last year that CalRx insulin would go on sale in January 2026, Newsom said the industry had been using discounts to distract consumers from solutions that could bring overall prices own. “One of the things that all of us should be increasingly concerned about is announcements around caps, announcements around discounts,” he said.

In January, California joined in setting . It also passed attempting to ban by pharmacy benefit managers.

Representatives for drug companies and pharmacy benefit managers said insulin is largely an affordable medicine in the U.S., arguing that consumers have benefited from discounts.

“While insulin prices, set solely by pharma companies, may be high in some instances, the amount patients are paying out of pocket has declined significantly,” said Christine Rex, senior director of state public affairs for the Pharmaceutical Care Management Association, which represents pharmacy benefit managers.

Reid Porter, a spokesperson for Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, which represents brand-name drugmakers, said PBMs have driven up costs for consumers by excluding lower-cost medicines from their lists of covered drugs. “Too often, patients face a system in which insurers and PBMs exclude coverage of those medicines on formularies because of supply-chain incentives,” he said.

Where To Find CalRx Insulin

CalRx insulin has been slow to reach pharmacies around the state, and in interviews, patient advocates said many people with diabetes aren’t aware it’s an option.

In Sacramento, pharmacist Sharon Ngo, who works at a Safeway pharmacy, was surprised to learn that California had a long-acting insulin product on the market. She didn’t know that CalRx insulin was interchangeable with Lantus, which was on back order for roughly two weeks.

“I had no idea this was available,” she said as she took notes on a pad of paper. “We’re going to give this a try.”

CalRx insulin has a suggested retail price of $55 a pack and is available with or without insurance. California has inked deals with four health insurers to cover CalRx insulin on their health plan formularies, potentially making it cheaper, depending on copays. They include Anthem Blue Cross, Blue Shield of California, the Valley Health Plan for Santa Clara County employees, and the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program, according to the state Department of Health Care Access and Information.

Elizabeth Landsberg, the department’s director, said the state is working to get more insurers to cover CalRx insulin and to provide it at more pharmacies. The state doesn’t know how many boxes have been dispensed. However, Landsberg said it was more meaningful that the state had reached agreements with to distribute its product in California. Currently, CalRx insulin is available on Amazon and at Costco, as well as at some retail and grocery store pharmacies including CVS, Walgreens, and Walmart.

“What we’re really trying to do is change market behavior and offer both affordable and transparent pricing,” Landsberg said. “The rebates and discounts are hard for consumers to understand and can change at any time, so we are trying to be straightforward and say, ‘Let’s not play this shell game anymore.’”

Allan Coukell, chief government affairs and public policy officer at Civica, said the company first partnered with the state on long-acting insulin that helps patients keep blood sugar steady for 24 hours or more. Next, it plans to help California develop rapid-acting insulin, which is used to pull elevated glucose down within minutes, to compete with brand names such as Humalog and NovoLog.

Health insurance companies welcomed the state’s efforts, in part because they could help save money they pay out on prescriptions.

“Making this drug available is really about helping people improve their health,” said Paul Markovich, CEO of Blue Shield of California’s parent company. “And the more supply we can get on the market, the more we can get rid of the profit motives in the pharmaceutical industry.”

One July afternoon in the Southern California city of Corona, Chris Noble went to a CVS pharmacy to get a box of CalRx insulin. The pharmacist didn’t have any on hand, but Noble, a healthcare organizer with Type 1 diabetes, was told he could get a prescription filled in 24 hours.

“I have insurance, but I see myself using this if I’m traveling and something happens like my insulin pump malfunctions,” he said. “Now I know I can go to a CVS and get insulin within a day.”

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

It was mid-January 2026, and my then-73-year-old husband, Mike Salmon, had just started bouncing back from a three-month ordeal of three operations related to aortic aneurysms, sepsis, and a terrifying descent into delirium tied to a stay in the intensive care unit. Now, after another potentially fatal aortic aneurysm and ambulance ride, the doctors clustered around his hospital bed said the fix involved two more major, risky operations.

If Mike did nothing, the aneurysm or sepsis would likely kill him, they predicted. How soon? “Weeks,” one doctor said. “I’m astonished I’ve made it this far,” Mike said. So, abruptly, we were shunted onto hospice care — the dead-end spur of the American medical system.

Hospice agencies manage care for patients expected to die within six months. They don’t provide curative procedures or drugs. Instead, they aim to help families make terminally ill patients comfortable, typically at home, as an illness reaches its inevitable conclusion. Families provide most of the day-to-day care, and they are very satisfied with their hospice’s services, which include supplies of drugs and medical equipment, and visits from nurses, therapists, and aides.

More than 1.9 million Americans were enrolled in hospice in the last fiscal year. Over 80% of those patients stayed on hospice until they died — within four weeks, on average. But each year, about 6% of patients are kicked out because a hospice doctor decides they have stabilized or improved enough that they are no longer likely to die in the next six months.

In May, Mike joined that select group. His experience in and out of the hospice system revealed surprising lessons about how families can manage care. And getting removed from hospice revealed a little-known process that can represent a welcome respite for families like ours — but can be devastating for patients with serious chronic illnesses.

Here’s what we learned in our four months on and off hospice.

Check before you choose.

“Choose one.” A hospital nurse handed me a list of local hospice agencies. The sooner we signed up, the sooner Mike could go home. Stunned by the suddenness of Mike’s health emergency, I just pointed to the name at the top of the alphabetical list, assuming they were pretty much the same.

Big mistake. Medicare sets basic standards for the hospice agencies it reimburses, but some agencies are understaffed or poorly run. Amy Tucci, president of the Hospice Foundation of America, noted that some agencies provide extra therapy, aide support, and other services.

The problems with the organization I had chosen started immediately. Staffers were often late. They entered inaccurate medical information on Mike’s paperwork and didn’t make corrections when alerted. Medicare allows you to quit or change agencies, so I asked neighbors for recommendations.

That was a good start, but Kristina Newport, chief medical officer of the American Academy of Hospice and Palliative Medicine, said I should also have checked the quality ratings on and the . Those sites would have alerted me to our first agency’s low ratings. Ideally, Newport said, patients or caregivers should call their area’s top-rated agencies to find those that provide the services you need, such as staff members who speak the patient’s native language, provide spiritual care that aligns with the patient’s beliefs, or are stationed nearby to arrive quickly in an emergency.

The local, long-established nonprofit that neighbors recommended handled the transfer seamlessly. Its staff was punctual, accurate, and kind. The chef’s kiss after we switched: A nurse from the original company we chose called to say she hoped I hadn’t initiated the change because of “concerns about our care of your mother.”

Some people get better on hospice.

Research hasn’t yet fully explored why, but some people actually see their health improve under hospice care. Studies have found, for example, that hospice patients with congestive heart failure or lung cancer , on average, than similar patients in the standard medical system.

Terry Berthelot, who teaches courses on elder law and hospice care at the University of Connecticut, said many patients benefit from hospice’s careful pain management and from leaving hospitals, where they risk infection and overtreatment. Returning home allowed Mike to get up and walk without waiting hours for an overworked nurse to unplug a bunch of monitors, and to enjoy real food. Also, the hospice nurse gave him medicine to help him sleep through the night. He soon started regaining weight and strength.

You can flunk out of hospice for not dying quickly enough.

Medicare and many other insurers pay for hospice services only for patients whom physicians certify are likely to of the most recent assessment (not the date of enrollment), so hospice staffers regularly reassess patients. Medicare audits agencies to check for fraud and demands repayment of funds provided for care of patients its auditors deem have not proved to be terminal. Hospices, good and bad, worry about their bottom lines and Medicare’s fraud audits. They may feel pressure to discharge patients who threaten the organization’s finances, even though such discharges can remove important care. “Medicare is worried about fraud and abuse, not about people not getting enough care,” Berthelot said.

Especially for diagnoses with uncertain prognoses — such as dementia — if a patient improves or even stabilizes, hospice physicians might discharge the patient because they can no longer certify a likelihood of death within six months.

For some lucky reason, Mike’s aneurysm and sepsis held off. By early May, his wounds had healed, and his strength had improved enough that he returned to gardening, playing bridge, and whipping up his signature lattice-topped blueberry-cinnamon pies. While we appreciated the convenience of the nurse’s visits and the drug and medical supply delivery, we realized Mike no longer needed care, so we agreed with our agency’s decision to discharge him.

For patients suffering from more debilitating diseases, discharges can be a “nightmare,” said Krista Harrison, a hospice researcher at the University of California-San Francisco. Discharges often happen quickly. Medicare requires that patients be given a minimum of two days’ notice.

When Harrison’s stepfather, suffering from a neurodegenerative disease similar to Parkinson’s, was discharged because his health seemed to plateau, the family scrambled to replace and pay for hospice-provided equipment such as a hospital bed and oxygen supply, and they had to quickly find and hire aides to replace the hospice aides. “Just getting his prescriptions reestablished and filled was a big deal,” she said. Her stepfather died six weeks after discharge, she said.

Do your homework to ensure appropriate care.

Arming yourself with information about your risks and rights can help you get the hospice care you need when you need it.

• Know your diagnosis. Discharges are unlikely for most cancer patients. But patients with dementia, heart disease, and Parkinson’s often plateau. So they are disproportionately likely to be discharged, UCSF’s Harrison said.
• Choose a highly rated hospice. Research shows for-profit hospice agencies are more likely to discharge patients than nonprofits. Medicare’s Care Compare site will alert you to which is which.
• Keep your own records. Caregivers who can document, say, a patient’s growing need for eating assistance can help hospice staff approve continuing care, or build a stronger appeal, UCSF’s Harrison said.
• Keep your family doctor more informed. Doctors “don’t have the financial interest” the hospice faces and could help you dispute a discharge, Berthelot advised.
• Appeal quickly. Hospice agencies must provide information on appealing a discharge. But you must file the appeal (online or by phone) by noon on the day before the termination date, which may mean you have only a few hours if you’ve been given the minimum two days’ notice, said Wey-Wey Kwok, a senior attorney for the Center for Medicare Advocacy.
• Reenroll. Patients can try reenrolling in hospice at any time. Another hospice agency may take you immediately. Or you can wait until the patient’s health declines and try reenrolling with your original hospice agency, the Hospice Foundation’s Tucci advised.

That last option is our plan. For now, Mike and I are enjoying these unexpected bonus days. But whenever fate catches up with him, Mike said, he’s comforted to know he’ll get good care from the hospice’s staff. “They’ll try to improve the quality of what time I have left,” he said.

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

Work Requirements Unfairly Burden Medicaid Applicants

Great story (“A Deloitte-Run System Denied Medicaid Benefits for Michigan’s Disabled. Now Trump’s Law Piles On,” July 21). However, a key point was missed. The wrongly denied recipients have the burden of proving their entitlement. This can cost thousands. They have no money with which to finance the carrying of that burden of proof. Additionally, how does one prove that they cannot do any work? Doctors generally say: I will just provide their work restrictions (e.g., 10-pound lifting restrictions), but I’m not a vocational expert, so I’m not going to opine on “employability” or “non-employability.” Moreover, it takes many months to go through reconsiderations and appeals, so even if the worker wins, they will have lost everything by then. Finally, under the doctrine of “exhaustion of remedies,” the recipient must suffer through the administrative steps before asking a court to help. And even then, the court will defer to the administrative agencies’ findings of fact (i.e., the department’s hired doctor over the treating doctor).

Bottom line: Once there is an incorrect/wrongful denial, it is an unjust horror show that literally destroys lives — all because far-right politicians have stereotyped Medicaid recipients, painting them all as presumptively people who could work but would rather just unjustly receive benefits — a totally false and ignorant paradigm. A partial solution would include placing the burden of proof on the state to prove the recipient can work and that suitable work is available, and to enact a presumption that when a treating doctor has credibly explained a substantial disability, the department must presume qualification absent clear and convincing proof to the contrary.

— N. Dean Nasser Jr.; Sioux Falls, South Dakota

A Reckless Data Grab?

The Office of Personnel Management has already suffered massive data breaches affecting millions of employees and their families.

I am a retired federal civil servant and one of the many whose data was .

The (“Trump’s Personnel Agency Says It Will Remove Some Identifying Info as It Sweeps Up Medical Records,” July 22) raise the question of how the requested massive dump of health data any better than the personnel records previously affected.

— Kathryn Edgecomb; Vancouver, Washington

States Need More Than Money To Fight the Opioid Crisis

New Mexico offers a compelling case study in the national conversation about opioid settlement accountability (“Leadership Vacuum: Agencies in New York and Beyond Pass the Buck on Opioid Cash Oversight,” July 21). While much of the public attention has focused on whether settlement dollars are being misspent, the New Mexico Office of the State Auditor’s review of local governments found a different problem: Large amounts of opioid remediation funding remain unspent years after settlements were reached and funds were distributed. The state auditor’s transparency review identified more than $100 million in opioid settlement funds held by local governments, with many entities reporting little or no expenditures as of fiscal year 2025.

That outcome does not point to widespread misuse. Instead, some local officials repeatedly cited workforce shortages, provider capacity constraints, procurement hurdles, and long-term sustainability concerns as barriers to moving dollars into prevention, treatment, and recovery programs.

While these barriers are significant, New Mexico has built structures that may be worth watching. A state law established dedicated opioid settlement funds and a framework intended to ensure resources are used for opioid remediation purposes. State agencies, local governments, behavioral health providers, and policymakers are now working through how best to coordinate spending, measure outcomes, and communicate progress to the public. The New Mexico Office of the State Auditor will continue to provide transparency, reporting on who is spending, what is producing results, and where bottlenecks exist.

The lesson for other states is clear: Securing settlement dollars creates an unprecedented opportunity to remediate harms resulting from the opioid crisis, but it is only the first step. States also need the workforce, infrastructure, and coordination to turn that money into treatment, recovery services, prevention programs, and fewer overdose deaths.

The core question is no longer just where the money is. It is whether states have built the systems to translate settlement dollars into measurable public health gains.

— New Mexico State Auditor Joseph Maestas; Santa Fe, New Mexico

Progress on the Prior Authorization Front

Health plans continue to make steady progress implementing the to simplify prior authorization. The article “Insurers Hedge on Trump-Backed Pledge To Improve Denials Process” (July 17) paints an incomplete picture of this ongoing work, particularly related to supporting for patients and for prior authorization requests.

Participating health plans committed to implementing aimed at reducing administrative burden and accelerating access to care on a transparent timeline, and that work is on track. In April 2026, participating health plans announced and a for submitting electronic prior authorization requests for most medical services starting in 2027.

Health plans will continue adopting common data standards on a rolling basis as the standardization commitment is fully implemented, starting in 2027. As more providers move away from manual, error-prone processes and adopt electronic prior authorization, this standardized approach will mean faster answers, a more consistent experience, and less friction for everyone.

in place to support member transitions between insurers during an active course of treatment. Under the voluntary commitments, when a patient with an approved authorization for in-network care switches health plans, the previous plan’s authorization is honored for 90 days. Health plans can implement several data exchange options to support patient transitions, and plans are not required to use a specific method to meet the commitment.

The series of voluntary commitments made by the industry requires substantial work, meaningful investment, and strong partnerships. Health plans are making steady progress in meeting these commitments and will continue to do so until they are fulfilled.

— Mike Tuffin; AHIP president and CEO; Washington, D.C.

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

When making the appointment, Zordani said, he’d been told the clinic was in his insurer’s network. Upon arrival, Zordani was summoned to the clinic’s financial office and told he had to make a $5,000 preservice deposit, because Mayo had since determined it did not accept his insurance. He was automatically designated “self-pay,” even though his plan had out-of-network benefits.

Not having that kind of cash on hand — and angry on principle — he refused. His appointment was canceled.

“I was so livid,” Zordani said, recalling that day in early April 2024. He later learned that Mayo had sent a message to him in his insurance carrier’s patient portal shortly before his visit with an estimate of the cost: $565, not the larger amount it later demanded.

Traditionally, patients usually receive bills for their share only after getting treatment. But what Zordani faced is becoming increasingly common — hospitals or other medical providers seeking prepayments.

“We regret that this individual’s experience did not meet the high standard of communication we strive to provide when helping our patients understand their insurance coverage and financial responsibility,” Andrea Kalmanovitz, Mayo’s communications director, said in an emailed statement. “When prospective patients don’t have clarity that Mayo Clinic is not in-network with their health plan, unexpected pre-service deposit requests may result.”

says it requires prepayments in a variety of cases, including for “noncontracted” — also known as out-of-network — insurance plans.

The trend of hospitals asking for money up front represents a double whammy for patients.

Medical providers are collecting larger shares of what patients might owe at a time when rising deductibles mean patients are owing more for care. The preservice charge could be all or part of a remaining deductible, for example, or a sizable percentage of what the visit or treatment might cost. Those deductibles go up when hospital prices, drug costs, and labor expenses increase, as insurers try to slow premium growth by shifting more costs to patients.

People are “basically being asked to self-insure,” said Richard Gundling, a senior vice president at the Healthcare Financial Management Association, an organization for finance professionals.

As that happens, hospitals figure more patients will have trouble meeting those deductibles, so they want to get as much up front as possible.

“Things like preservice deposits and those kinds of moves are probably going to become more and more likely,” said Chip Kahn, a visiting senior fellow at KFF and the American Enterprise Institute and former president and CEO of the Federation of American Hospitals. “That will make it harder on the provider, the clinician, and harder on the patients.”

The deposits can’t be viewed in isolation, Gundling said: It’s a bigger issue than just hospitals asking for money up front. The challenge, he said, is: “How do we maintain access to care when more patients can’t absorb the level of out-of-pocket costs?”

Already, consumers are increasingly worried about paying for healthcare. A recent found that lower out-of-pocket costs ranked as the top change insured adults would like to see from their coverage plans. KFF is a health information nonprofit that includes Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

The average deductible in family coverage offered by employers is $3,762 per person, , while the average deductible in Affordable Care Act plans to a similar amount, $3,786.

A Consumer Concern

, a health insurance consumer assistance program in New York state, hears from people who are concerned about prepayments, said Diane Spicer, a supervising attorney.

“We see this mostly with insured folks who are seeking out-of-network care but who have out-of-network coverage,” Spicer said, “and also sometimes for care that is not covered.”

Just how many hospitals collect what are often called point-of-service payments is not known, according to Kodiak Solutions, a technology company that provides services to health systems to help manage their revenue.

“But it is becoming more and more the center of many of our conversations with health systems,” said , a vice president leading Kodiak’s revenue cycle intelligence team.

In addition to Mayo, Baltimore-based says that “it is our policy to collect all amounts owed before services are rendered” for non-emergency care. University of Texas-affiliated in Houston, one of the nation’s premier cancer treatment centers, says patients who pay for their own care “will be asked to pay an initial deposit determined by the care center, based on the type of cancer.”

On average, hospitals collect about a quarter of what they expect the patient will owe, Szaflarski said, based on what they estimate the insurer will pay — a percentage that has grown in recent years.

For example, if a person is coming in for imaging and the insurer will reimburse $1,000 for that scan, the hospital will seek $250 from the patient up front, he said. “That used to be closer to $150.”

It also varies by hospital, and sometimes by state.

“The state of Indiana has some of the lowest cash collections in the country. They are Midwest nice,” Szaflarski said. He added that California and Texas are among those that collect more.

Even as hospitals increasingly collect more upfront payments, however, their uncollected debt is also rising, according to data Kodiak collected from more than 2,300 hospitals nationwide.

said that’s because of a “fundamental shift” in coverage as plans “increasingly feature higher deductibles, greater coinsurance, and more complex cost-sharing structures: all elements that increase the nominal patient responsibility without improving—and often reducing—the probability of collection.”

While many hospitals are doing fine, some, especially in rural areas, have thin margins — and things could soon tighten further as cuts to ACA and Medicaid funding lead to more people being uninsured.

As a result, hospitals “have to be concerned” about every cost-sharing dollar, Kahn said.

After Zordani returned to Denver, he said, it took a while to find another specialist. He eventually had a procedure in late June 2024, at a Denver hospital not affiliated with Mayo, to fix a .

The following fall, he filed a in Arizona civil court. He was awarded $47,500 in economic damages and attorney fees after an arbitrator in September 2025 determined Mayo violated a state consumer fraud law because it failed to reach him to say that his plan was not in-network before he traveled. Mayo’s statement to Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News did not include any reference to the settlement.

“Had they notified me in timely fashion as required, I would not have flown there,” Zordani said. He’s still angry that the clinic didn’t ask his permission before designating his care as self-pay, which meant he wasn’t going to use his insurance, and he’s still unclear on how they calculated the $5,000 preservice amount.

When Do Consumers Have to Make Preservice Payments?

There is one clear rule: In emergency situations, hospitals that accept federal Medicare financing cannot, , demand upfront payment before stabilizing a patient who arrives at an ER, said , a senior fellow and health policy researcher at the Brookings Institution.

Other consumer protections are less clear.

Patients who get in-network care may have some recourse in their contracts with their insurers, so they should check the fine print, experts told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

“In out-of-network settings, I’m not aware of any barriers that would prevent a provider from doing this,” Fiedler said of preservice deposits.

How those amounts are calculated also appears widely up to the provider and can be opaque.

“They could just say $1,500 and you’d be like, ‘Oh, is that 10%, or is that how much is left on my deductible?’” said , senior director of healthcare campaigns at PIRG, a national federation of independent consumer advocacy groups.

Yet, she added, the patient might be scheduling three months in advance, so the provider wouldn’t know how much was left on the deductible. She recommends consumers ask for an itemized bill and call their insurer to find out whether it has rules regarding the charges.

Also unclear are how and when patients get their money back if they overpay.

Overpayments can happen if patients don’t require the services originally estimated or when insurers pay other bills first, such as the anesthesiology cost or a surgeon’s fees. If those payments are counted toward a patient’s deductible, yet the patient had already made a prepayment to the hospital for the expected deductible, to the hospital.

How soon they get their money back can vary and can depend on state laws, though a small number of states directly address the issue. As of this year, medical providers to reimburse patients within 30 days of a determination of an overpayment. Some states, including Maryland, prohibit certain hospitals from requiring prepayment simply to avoid offering financial assistance.

After alleging that some patients had to wait more than a year to get reimbursed, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes recently under state consumer protection laws against SimonMed Imaging, which has 170 locations in 10 states.

, SimonMed agreed to issue refunds within an average of 60 days.

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

The wristbands are part of a growing initiative first launched by North Carolina-based ECU Health as Congress sought to address the nation’s growing maternal mortality crisis during the covid pandemic. , and the state’s health department have begun distributing the wristbands, to give mothers and care providers a visual reminder of the life-threatening health risks after birth.

The Connecticut state health department; large health systems in Arkansas, Georgia, and Mississippi; and hospitals in at least 24 other states have also embraced the program. The wristbands are intended to make emergency workers aware of postpartum risks, ensure better treatment, and help lower maternal mortality rates in the U.S., where happen after the day of delivery — and nearly 40% happen after the six-week mark.

This year, North Carolina plans to expand the initiative with part of the through the Rural Health Transformation Program, a provision of President Donald Trump’s signature One Big Beautiful Bill Act, also known as HR 1.

Tamika Auguste, a physician and the board chair at the American College of Obstetricians & Gynecologists Foundation, praised the wristbands as a useful tool “to increase awareness and education around postpartum health.” But she and others who focus on maternal health said efforts like the wristband campaigns are only part of what’s needed to combat the broader maternal mortality crisis in the U.S.

And they noted the wristbands’ popularity is emerging as Trump’s 2025 law is expected to reduce Medicaid spending by over 10 years, according to a Congressional Budget Office analysis. Medicaid, the federal-state program that covers healthcare for low-income families, pays for .

Elisabeth Wright Burak, a policy researcher at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families, said Trump’s tax-and-spending law is stifling the momentum states had been gaining with maternal care since 2022. That’s when Congress allowed states to extend postpartum Medicaid coverage , which nearly every state did.

Now, those extensions could end up on the chopping block, Burak said, as states seek ways to manage Medicaid losses.

“There is no question that HR 1 risks setting the clock back for maternal health,” Burak said.

warned that postpartum patients have more to worry about with the new law than simply cuts to Medicaid. States are also setting up systems that may not adequately track pregnant and postpartum enrollees who should be exempt from the law’s new work requirements, erroneously dropping them from coverage, Burak’s report said.

Maternal Mortality

U.S. maternal mortality rates have risen and fallen over the past seven years, with 649 maternal deaths in 2024, according to the most recent . Tennessee had the worst maternal mortality rate in the nation from 2020 to 2024, around 42 deaths per 100,000 births, according an analysis of CDC data by the . North Carolina’s rate was about 29 in 100,000, with a national average of 23.

In its , North Carolina said the initiative creating the “I Gave Birth” wristbands reduced postpartum readmissions by nearly a third at ECU Health Medical Center in Greenville, without elaborating. In online promotions, some hospitals the can , though many have recently launched and their impact has yet to be studied.

“Additional research is needed to conclusively confirm the outcomes of such initiatives,” said Hannah Jones, a spokesperson for the North Carolina health department.

Hospitals to patients who have given birth and instruct them to wear it for weeks or months, hoping they’ll be reminded to check in with a physician if they feel chest pain, have headaches, or start bleeding. The accessory resembles the yellow , part of a cancer awareness campaign launched by cyclist Lance Armstrong’s foundation. A nurse also talks through postpartum risks with the patients, and they’re sent home with pamphlets and guidebooks on how to care for their new child and themselves.

“The bracelet itself is simply a reminder of, ‘Hey, I got education,’” said Jessica Noble, a nurse with East Carolina University-connected ECU Health who pioneered the initiative.

It’s also intended to alert first responders and other healthcare providers that a woman has recently given birth and to check for postpartum complications, such as low blood pressure, bleeding, or infections. and sometimes don’t have adequate training to recognize postpartum complications, research shows, which can be dangerous when those patients end up in an emergency room.

Postpartum wristbands gained traction across the country through health awareness campaigns fueled by social media posts and evening news segments. New mothers appeared in promotional photos and videos wearing the wristband and raving about the accessory, saying it celebrated childbirth.

Some postpartum patients who faced traumatic births or mental health struggles saw it differently.

‘So Many Risks’

Alexandra Mellon gave birth last year. Her daughter was stillborn. Devastated, she sought out a therapist, donated her breast milk, and tried to find meaning in her circumstances. She spent a year feeling isolated, she said, often because people don’t know what to say.

Mellon said wearing one of the wristbands would have been a painful reminder of her loss.

Now she works as a doula in Asheville, North Carolina. Mellon said what she thinks new moms need most is community and emotional support. The wristband could help encourage that for some patients, she said, but isn’t for everyone.

“There are so many risks, and it’s just like you almost become invisible,” she said.

More than 80% of pregnancy-related deaths , according to the CDC. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services in March , developed during the Biden administration, that urged hospitals to create better emergency department protocols to catch postpartum complications and to measure their work against state and national maternal health data.

But those efforts faced a major threat last year when the Trump administration CDC funding for state-level maternal mortality data in its proposed 2026 budget. While Congress rejected that move, the administration did tracking postpartum patients’ health.

The Trump administration $113.5 million in CDC maternal health research in its proposed 2027 budget. Congress has instead proposed increasing funding to .

Without more research, it’s unclear how effective the wristbands are in encouraging postpartum patients to seek care when they need it. A of mass media campaigns to improve health outcomes, such as preventing risky substance use or encouraging exercise, found that the campaigns didn’t change behaviors. found that the U.S. “Back to Sleep” campaign, which educates parents on safe sleeping practices with babies, dramatically reduced rates of sudden infant death syndrome for several years after it launched in 1994, though rates .

In 2020, the CDC tried , “Hear Her,” aimed at helping women speak up when something felt wrong after delivery.

The CDC released years later that said it “had the unintended consequence of appearing to put the burden on the people who are pregnant or postpartum to speak up.”

ECU Health Medical Center created the wristband initiative in 2021 and . In it the authors noted the pregnancy-related readmission rate at the Greenville hospital fell 0.77%. It attributed the change to the “education provided to patients, family members, and medical personnel” in the initiative, without elaborating.

Campaigns like the “I Gave Birth” initiative are far from a final solution to maternal mortality, said Noble, the campaign’s architect and lead author on the ECU Health study. If she “had a magic wand,” she said, North Carolina would not just have better postpartum care but would also address the root causes of pregnancy complications. “But I don’t have one, and I can’t make system-level change immediately.”

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

Health secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. that AI nurses can provide “concierge care” to rural patients. Mehmet Oz, who leads the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, “the best way to help some of these communities is going to be AI-based avatars” that connect rural patients to mental health services.

And many state health leaders agree. They are using some of their funding from the $50 billion federal Rural Health Transformation Program to expand AI among rural health organizations.

AI is computer technology that performs tasks that typically rely on human intelligence by finding patterns or generating words. It has the potential to improve the healthcare system by automating back-office work or identifying patients at risk, but several reports contend there’s little evidence AI can improve access to care and patient health in rural areas. It’s unclear how well states will track and share outcomes of the tech they invest in.

Meanwhile, some rural Americans are skeptical, according to interviews with people in Hot Springs, South Dakota, a city of about 3,400 residents at the southern end of the Black Hills.

“I get artificial intelligence for certain things, but for personal healthcare — no,” Tara Haffner said while standing outside the American Legion.

Haffner said she’s worried about AI making mistakes and wants healthcare to stay between her and her doctor.

But Phillip Mues, who oversees technology at Cherry County Hospital and Clinic in rural Valentine, Nebraska, said AI is already helping clinicians save time, reduce burnout, and focus more on patient care.

“I think it will help reduce burden on actual staffing,” he said. “It won’t replace people, but I think it will help in rural communities.”

Still, Mues said, AI can’t fix every challenge. Rural hospitals at risk of closing or ending certain services probably can’t use AI to save enough money to prevent those consequences, he said.

Congressional Republicans created the five-year Rural Health Transformation Program last summer as a last-minute sweetener to President Donald Trump’s signature One Big Beautiful Bill Act. The funding was intended to offset concerns about the anticipated in rural communities from the law, which is by more than $900 billion over a decade.

The Word on the Street

Hot Springs, which has a 25-bed independent hospital and a Department of Veterans Affairs hospital, is known for its sandstone buildings, veterans’ services, and, yes, hot springs. Residents must drive at least an hour for more advanced care.

Six people interviewed there by Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News said the biggest problem in rural healthcare is the cost or long wait times caused by staffing shortages.

Doug Nikkila, a heavy equipment operator, said AI and other technology come with benefits and risks.

“If it’s not utilized correctly, it becomes a burden,” he said.

Nikkila, who’s concerned about nursing home residents being neglected amid staffing shortages, said he thinks AI should send reminders to staff when their residents are due for diaper changes or other care. He also wondered whether AI-powered video monitors could send alerts when they detect falls or illness symptoms.

The healthcare industry is rapidly adopting AI despite the tools being “poorly evaluated,” according to a , a Stanford- and Harvard-led group that evaluates health-related AI. The report says that while some AI has been successful in controlled settings, there’s less evidence it can perform in the real world. It also said few studies track patient outcomes.

Evidence is especially lacking in rural areas. A found that only 26 peer-reviewed studies about AI in rural healthcare were published from 2010 through April 29, 2025. Few analyzed implementation or outcomes.

Despite the dearth of results, some states appear interested in bold experiments — such as using AI to suggest diagnoses or recommend treatments. Utah officials said in their application to the rural health program that they are interested in funding a in AI-powered prescription refill requests.

Even tools proven to work in urban settings may not work in rural ones, said Qian Huang, an assistant professor at the Center for Rural Health and Research at East Tennessee State University.

She said the technology is usually tested at large, academic hospitals and trained on data from urban patients, who may not have the same health issues and obstacles — such as a lack of transportation — as rural patients.

A Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News review of states’ plans for the Rural Health Transformation Program shows they’re interested in using AI to automate time-consuming, behind-the-scenes tasks, such as medical charting, coding, referrals, and prior authorization requests. Some states also mentioned ways AI can save money, such as Washington, which discussed tools that “identify and recover” money it’s owed.

Mues said the Valentine clinic has been using AI scribes that record appointments and generate notes describing the visit. He said surveys of clinicians before and after they started using the technology show the scribes have helped reduce burnout by letting providers focus on patient care with “eye contact on the patient, not the computer.”

States also mentioned funding AI that directly affects patient care, such as tools that recommend possible diagnoses and treatment options to clinicians. Mississippi wants to use predictive AI algorithms to “guide” emergency medics with “triage, routing, and treatment decisions.”

Several states want to use AI to analyze patients’ medical charts and remote monitoring devices to identify immediate or future health risks. North Dakota’s plans mention AI to “detect early signs of chronic disease and behavioral health conditions,” while New Hampshire’s discusses AI that identifies patients “at high risk of adverse drug events.”

Some states plan to give patients access to chatbots or wearable devices that transmit data to their clinicians. Utah is interested in funding AI-powered fetal-monitoring devices, while Kentucky will explore using AI chatbots to “deliver personalized nudges and education” through “health coaching, gamified incentives, and rewards.”

Whether the technology appeals to consumers is another matter. Hot Springs resident Stephanie Keller wears a smartwatch to track her fitness but has no interest in an AI chatbot using her data to encourage her to reach her health goals.

“I don’t have the time to chat with AI every day. I mean, are you kidding me? I don’t want to spend my time on a cellphone,” she said.

Rural health facilities also face challenges in implementing AI.

Huang, who has AI in rural healthcare, said rural hospitals and clinics may not have the hardware or IT staff needed to support the technology. She said clinicians and staff may already be doing three jobs at once and not have time to go through AI training.

Rural health facilities may not have fast-enough internet to use AI, while patients may have slow connections at home — if they have internet at all — or may not feel comfortable using AI, Huang said.

“In rural communities, trust and a personal relationship is essential,” she said.

Roy Ehlers, a Hot Springs resident, said he doesn’t trust AI in healthcare, or anywhere else.

“I’m old-fashioned. I don’t believe in it. Technology is not my forte,” Ehlers said.

Mues said that while some rural patients are “scared of AI,” most have let their clinicians at the Valentine facility use the scribing technology to record patients’ visits.

Will States Share AI Results?

Despite questions about implementation, the boom is on. Jordan Everson, an assistant professor at the Georgetown University Department of Family Medicine, said both urban and rural health facilities are rushing to use AI.

“The risk of signing contracts that rural healthcare organizations come to regret is pretty high,” said Everson, who previously worked in the information technology office at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Several states are addressing that risk by using their rural health funding to create groups that will help rural health facilities vet, select, or monitor AI tools while offering training, ongoing assistance, or funding for upfront costs.

CMS spokesperson Timothy Foster said the agency doesn’t have any AI-specific reporting requirements but is working on a form for states to report their overall progress and outcomes.

Abraham Pritzker, who works at Julota, a company that helps health organizations track data, said states should measure more than how often AI programs are used.

For example, states can measure whether the tech reduces falls, 911 calls, or hospital admissions, said Pritzker, a former paramedic. Huang said it’s also important to ask clinicians and patients about their experiences using AI.

Yet many states’ applications to the rural health program mention tracking only AI adoption metrics, not what happens after facilities deploy the tech. Some of these states may add further reporting requirements down the road.

Vermont spokespeople did not respond when asked why their state’s requires organizations to report only how many clinicians and patients are served by the tech, not how much time they save.

States requiring recipients to report outcomes include , which will track how often AI-powered patient monitoring devices trigger accurate alerts. organizations to track cost savings, while Wisconsin lists “patient outcomes” and “productivity and efficiencies” as possible metrics.

Huang said that after collecting results, states need to share them so other states and healthcare organizations can learn from their experiences.

“We do not have a lot of resources to waste on tools that don’t work in rural areas,” she said.

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

While knee replacement procedures have become standard, however, the prices charged have not.

At Catawba Valley Medical Center in Hickory, North Carolina, for example, the cost of the procedure under a Blue Cross Blue Shield health plan this year was about $16,000, according to data from Serif Health, a San Francisco startup that collects recently released data from hospitals and insurers. Little more than an hour’s drive west, however, at Mission Hospital in Asheville, the cost of the procedure under the same health plan was around $40,000, or more than double, the data showed.

Formed by the merger of the two largest hospitals in the region, Mission has little competition and more power to demand the higher price.

This comparison between these two hospitals illuminates how large hospital systems created by a in recent decades can dominate the competition and push up healthcare costs.

While many factors affect the price of a medical procedure, hospitals with few competitors can charge more, health economists say.

The hospital price hikes mean patients and their insurers must pay more for an episode of healthcare. But there is an important side effect, too, even for people who don’t require medical care. When insurers face higher hospital prices, they pass the costs on and raise the prices they charge for everyone’s health insurance.

Using Serif Health’s pricing data, it is possible to see how mergers like the one that created Mission Hospital influence costs. For years, it was difficult to determine how much hospital monopolies boosted charges. But since 2021, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to disclose prices, making it possible to gather comprehensive data such as Serif Health’s.

The connection between market power and prices exists across the country. In Melbourne, Florida, Holmes Regional Medical Center is part of a health system, Health First, that dominates surrounding Brevard County. The center has charged Cigna two times what a hospital two hours north did for a knee replacement this year, the Serif Health data shows.

Banner North Colorado Medical Center, which ranks as the leading healthcare provider in Weld County, Colorado, charged a UnitedHealthcare patient $20,000 more for the surgery in Greeley than a health system an hour’s drive south in Denver, according to Serif’s figures.

The American Hospital Association that hospital mergers can improve quality and reduce healthcare costs by creating “a fiscally sustainable environment.” A Mission Hospital spokesperson said comparing hospitals’ prices was unfair or misleading because their practices and constraints vary so much.

For years, economists suspected that the run of mergers beginning in the late 1990s was a main driver of the rising costs of U.S. healthcare. From 2002 to 2020 alone, unfolded in the United States.

But until the recent federal disclosure rule, the effect of healthcare monopolies on pricing was often overlooked or harder to detect. Hospitals do not advertise their prices, and even when they are revealed on a bill, patients scarcely notice the bottom line because they don’t pay most of it — their insurers do.

“What the data shows pretty clearly is that when hospitals have bargaining leverage, they tend to have higher prices,” said Zack Cooper, an associate professor of public health and economics at Yale University who has spent more than a decade studying hospital monopolies.

Over the last quarter century, Cooper said, hospital prices have risen faster than those for any other economic sector, and “hospital consolidation is one of the primary drivers.”

Federal and state officials have wavered over when to intervene when hospitals are proposing to merge. Last summer, former President Joe Biden’s that urged federal agencies to challenge mergers that could harm consumers, reversing course from Biden’s more aggressive enforcement of antitrust law. In a , however, Federal Trade Commission Chairman Andrew Ferguson called for a task force on healthcare mergers that are leading to “higher prices” and “decreased quality” of care.

Several states have sought to curb healthcare monopolies. In 2023, Minnesota banning anticompetitive healthcare mergers and bolstering state oversight. In 2022, requiring healthcare businesses to give the state a 90-day notice of large mergers and to investigate their effects on competition. And in 2021 enabling the state health department to block acquisitions and mergers of hospitals.

Nothing has stopped the overall trend, however, as hospitals seek to grow and gain leverage over insurers and competitors. Last year alone, hospital and health systems announced 46 mergers and acquisitions, , a healthcare business consulting firm. Five ranked as “mega-mergers,” meaning they were valued at more than $1 billion. One across Connecticut and New York into a powerful interstate health system. Another linked , a deal that created a 56-hospital system across the Midwest — including Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Wyoming — with combined revenue of about $10 billion.

Other mergers have been proposed in , , and Minnesota.

Asheville’s Dominant Hospital

Few places in the United States better exemplify how hospital mergers reshape healthcare than Asheville.

In 1998, the state authorized a deal that joined the city’s two acute-care hospitals, St. Joseph’s Hospital and Memorial Mission Medical Center, . Ever since, its effects have been studied and its prices fiercely contested.

Marcelle Crago, a nurse and lactation consultant, is one of many patients who have accused Mission Health, which operates Mission Hospital, of gouging consumers. Last year, she tweaked her knee while cross-country skiing.

“My knee went ‘pop, pop, pop,’” she recalled. She had torn her meniscus, the rubbery cartilage around the knee that acts as a shock absorber. A doctor advised her to have a portion of it removed.

Two days before the surgery, Mission Health told her the total charge would be over $9,000, according to paperwork on her case filed with the state’s Consumer Protection Division.

“I was shocked at the number,” she said.

Crago’s insurance policy from UnitedHealth Group had a high deductible, so she would have had to pay most of the cost. She decided to postpone the surgery and shop around, eventually arranging to have it done at an outpatient center not affiliated with Mission. There, the bill came to less than a third of the price Mission Health charged, according to paperwork she kept.

“The way Mission Health handled the whole thing felt predatory,” Crago recalled, noting that when she balked at the $9,000 figure, the hospital offered a 20% discount if she paid up-front. “It makes you wonder how much they are playing with prices.”

In responding to Crago’s complaint with the state, an attorney for Mission and HCA Healthcare, which owns the hospital, wrote that hospital charges “represent the cost for supporting the entire episode of care” and must cover the hospital’s investments in advanced technology, training, staff, and other critical needs.

“Patients are certainly entitled to ‘shop around’ for surgical procedures,” wrote the attorney, Phillip Jackson.

It is not just patients who bear the burden of rising hospital prices.

Over time, anyone who pays for health insurance pays a price for hospital monopolies, as insurers boost premiums as medical costs rise. The full cost for an employer to pay for an average family health insurance plan rose to more than $27,000 in 2025, up from $21,000 just six years ago, according to .

Around Asheville, employers and employees complain that their insurance premiums are higher because Mission’s prices are so high.

As the chef and co-founder of Cúrate restaurant in Asheville, a business with about 100 employees, Katie Button provides employee health coverage and believes she has been paying for Mission Hospital’s excessive prices, according to a pending class-action lawsuit she filed in 2021 with five residents who say the monopoly has harmed them.

Any insurance plan in Asheville must include Mission Hospital, she said, because it is the only one around. This makes the burden of its prices unavoidable.

“We are where we are because we don’t have a choice of hospitals,” Button said. “There is no other option.”

The steady creep of healthcare costs is top of mind not just in Asheville but for most U.S. voters, according to . Nearly two-thirds of U.S. adults were worried about being able to afford healthcare, the poll found.

Yet while federal law allows regulators to step in and block mergers deemed to create monopolies, the FTC intervened in only from 2002 to 2020 to stop a hospital merger, according to a Yale University study. The FTC has since announced challenges to five other hospital mergers.

Birth of a Monopoly

When Mission Health was formed by a merger in 1998, state officials recognized that Asheville’s new dominant hospital system would have the power to raise prices and required Mission to sign an agreement to limit spending and profit margins.

Even with these restrictions, the hospital , according to economic research cited by the FTC. But Mission’s prices were about to go up even more. In 2015, Mission Health lobbied the state legislature to drop the state restrictions, abandoning the profit limits.

“After 20 years of the hospital behaving itself, the state decided to terminate its oversight,” said Mark Hall, a professor emeritus at Wake Forest University who of the hospital’s merger history. Then, three years later, HCA, the largest hospital corporation in the country, bought Mission Health. (The Dogwood Health Trust, a nonprofit established as part of HCA’s purchase of Mission Health, helps fund Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ coverage.)

“This put a prepackaged monopoly into the hands of the world’s largest for-profit hospital corporation,” Hall said.

Across a range of services, Mission Hospital charges more than other North Carolina hospitals, according to figures from Serif Health.

Consider the prices that Mission negotiated with UnitedHealthcare compared with those the insurer pays at Catawba Valley Medical Center. For a breast biopsy, UnitedHealth pays $7,500 at Mission and $1,700 at Catawba, according to Serif. For a hernia repair, it pays $17,700 at Mission and $9,600 at Catawba.

“The prices hospitals charge are one of the leading drivers of rising healthcare costs,” according to a UnitedHealthcare statement sent by spokesperson Cole Manbeck.

Mission spokesperson Katie Czerwinski, in a statement, said that it can be misleading to compare one hospital with another.

Mission Hospital is almost three times as large as Catawba Valley Health and is a Level 1 trauma center serving a different population, Czerwinski said. She also said that pulling individual rates for comparison paints an incomplete picture.

But other figures indicate that prices at Mission Hospital are relatively high, even when viewed collectively.

A team at the think tank Rand, led by Christopher Whaley, now a Brown University health economist, uses commercial insurance records to compare average hospital prices across the U.S. relative to those paid by Medicare. , Mission Hospital in 2024 charged prices that were 334% of prices set by Medicare. Catawba Valley Medical Center charged 237%. The state benchmark for prices is 280% of Medicare, Rand figures showed.

“The prices we pay for healthcare vary tremendously and are uncorrelated to the value we receive,” according to the Rand website.

For many in Asheville, the primary complaints about Mission Hospital focus on the quality of patient care. This is consistent with showing that the quality of care declines when hospitals have little competition.

Amid rising complaints about hospital services, North Carolina state Sen. Julie Mayfield, a Democrat, helped launch a nonprofit organization two years ago called Reclaim Healthcare WNC to hold Mission “accountable for its harmful practices.”

“Within a year of the HCA sale, I started hearing stories from physicians and other friends about all the terrible things that were happening there,” Mayfield said, most of them caused by severe staff cuts and physicians leaving.

Three times since 2024, state health inspectors working on behalf of CMS have issued “immediate jeopardy” findings to Mission Hospital, indicating problems so severe that they posed an imminent risk of serious injury or death to patients.

In the most , an 88-year-old woman recovering from a fall and hip surgery at Mission Hospital died after going a night without receiving a blood transfusion.

Czerwinski, the Mission Hospital spokesperson, said a proposed plan of correction “allows Mission to address the findings from the survey and complete a comprehensive review of operations.”

As more hospitals across the United States plan to merge, Mayfield said, the experience in Asheville represents a cautionary tale.

“Unregulated monopolies have never gone well for the public.”

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .

Julie Rovner Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

Democratic primary voters in Michigan chose former Detroit public health director Abdul El-Sayed as their Senate nominee this week. El-Sayed is one of several high-profile candidates around the country who have been pushing “Medicare for All,” again elevating the issue, at a time when millions of Americans are losing their health coverage because of high costs.

Meanwhile, the Senate this week confirmed Erica Schwartz to lead the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which has been without a permanent leader for almost a year. But it remains unclear whether her support for childhood vaccinations will run afoul of her boss, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Politico Magazine, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, and Amanda Seitz of Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

Panelists

Joanne Kenen Johns Hopkins University and Politico

Alice Miranda Ollstein Politico

Amanda Seitz Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News Read Amanda's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

• El-Sayed’s primary victory in Michigan means a vocal supporter of Medicare for All will be on the ballot this fall. Progressives again are rallying behind universal healthcare as costs spike and more people lose their coverage — although there are few details so far to explain how they would implement such a policy.
• New polling shows more people are experiencing “job lock” because of limited options to obtain healthcare coverage outside employer-sponsored insurance. Meanwhile, more hospitals are reporting a sharp rise in the number of uninsured and in the costs to cover them.
• A federal judge recently declined to halt the implementation of Medicaid work requirements while considering a case brought by several states challenging the policy’s burden on sick people. And early reports out of Nebraska, the first state to implement the work requirements, show eligible people are losing coverage for administrative reasons.
• Kennedy sat down for an interview with CNN, during which he could not articulate specific plans to address disease outbreaks — as multiple outbreaks are ongoing. And a Senate committee voted along party lines Thursday to hold former public health official Anthony Fauci in contempt of Congress over his appearance before the committee last week.

Also this week, as part of the “How Would You Fix It?” series, Rovner interviews Sen. Andy Kim (D-N.J.), who has a new bill that would provide universal health coverage for all children.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too: 

Julie Rovner: The New York Times’ “,” by Sheryl Gay Stolberg.  

Alice Miranda Ollstein: NOTUS’ “,” by Margaret Manto.  

Joanne Kenen: The New York Times Magazine’s “,” by Helen Ouyang.  

Amanda Seitz: The Wall Street Journal’s “,” by Katherine Long.  

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

• The Bulwark’s “,” by Jonathan Cohn.
• The New York Times’ “,” by Reed Abelson.
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Kim, who serves on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, said it is “a real dereliction of our duty that we have not found a way to be able to ensure that every child is able to go see a doctor when they need to without breaking the bank.”

Under the senator’s proposal, children would be automatically enrolled at birth in the public program, which he . Parents would have the option to opt their kids out, though they could reenroll them at any time until age 26, Kim told Rovner.

“You want to make sure that all of these kids are able to get the care that they need as their bodies are and their brains are developing and that you don’t see the kind of withdrawal of or restriction of care that could have real consequences down the road,” he said.

Kim said offering comprehensive, universal coverage to American children would help them avoid chronic conditions in adulthood, in addition to providing broader societal benefits, such as a healthier workforce.

He added that he hopes his idea could gain traction should Democrats claim a majority in Congress in the midterm elections, as well as foster an important discussion about healthcare in the 2028 presidential race.

An abbreviated version of this interview aired Aug. 6 during Episode 458 of What the Health? From Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News: “The Return of ‘Medicare for All.’”

This article first appeared on Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and is republished here under a .